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Nicolae Stanica. J. Serb .. of complex I showed a broad band at cm–1, due to the 2E → 2T transition, in a tetrahedral geometry around the cooper(II) ion. 2 Ph.D. Viorel STĂNICĂ COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Case studies 3 itators, whom were then distributed to city halls in a cooper- ation protocol with the. book available at the library of the. Division of Molecular Biology and NCBI web page. •. 5. Stanica, molekularni pristup. Cooper, Geoffrey M - hrvatsko izdanje.

Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Community Development. Case Studies. Stanica Viorel. Accent, Bibliogr. ISBN De initions, Clari ications Informal Community Cooperation in the Romanian Tradition Vicinities in Transylvania Forms of Community Cooperation of Hungarians in Transylvania Local Initiative Groups

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The best book for cell biology. Cooper U. Dilcher Canada ; H. Harborth Germany ; C. Kimberling U. Knott U. Shannon Australia ; L. Somer U. Stanica U. The existence of a written statute, of the elected govern- ing bodies father of vicinity, accountant, treasurer, board , sometimes of a built heritage the vicinity home and of some common goods ire pumps, dishes for different events, agricultural machinery, etc.

The foundation of vicinity is based on complex interactions between members, on solidarity and a strong sense of identi ication with the group. Chest a neighborhood of Biertan, foto: A Saxon per- son of an evangelical religion became member at the age of 24, or when starting a family. Also, the person should have a house or a household as he adhered to a vicinity in which space was his property.

Vicinity gathered idem, pp. Traditional Saxon vicinities in the urban envi- ronment typically included ten families.

Thus, the main functions Poledna, 43 of the vicinity were: Any deviant behavior or innovative 16 Stephan Ludwig Roth was a humanist thionker, Saxon lutheran professor and pastor from Transilvania, participant at the revolution. On this occasion, anomalous behaviors of certain members were judged and punished, disagreements or disputes between neighbors were settled.

Here is an interesting and somewhat unique case of Char- lottenburg17, which shows the importance of the social con- trol in rural communities of the past. The urgent need of social control, of the compliance with the norm18 has determined the form of the topographic plan of a new locality where people did not know each other, had not yet formed a community. The social control function, of compliance with the norm could not be achieved through the community, which at the time of colonization did not exist as such, it was forming, but by adopting a socio-urban inno- vation in town planning.

It is the only village in Romania built in the shape of a circle. The inner di- ameter is of approx. The German communi- ty began to disintegrate after the Second World War, in the 80 being exceeded by Romanians.

Today there is a single German in Charlot- tenburg and in the central square there are 34 old mulberry trees, some of which may have been planted since the colonial times.


During the process of socialization, the individual internalizes not only codi ied legal rules but also rules that may result from identi- fying strongly with the group. The center of the village was designed in a circular shape and in the middle was set up a plantation of mulberry trees, which the inhabitants had a legal obligation to care for.

To prevent unwanted social behaviors or pos- sible criminal offenses, with the risk of innocent people be- ing punished for the actions of others, colonists chose this innovative solution, which was also favored by the context of building a new locality on open ground. In the nineteenth century, in the central area of the village there were built buildings of local interest institutions.

We can assume that the phenomenon of control over the social behavior of inhabitants continued after the dissolution of the plantation, or it even increased with the building of the church, school and other institutions in a central square in the fullness of the term.

Figure 4. Charlottenburg Planning from the Beginning to Present Source: Therefore, building a locality can be achieved in a few years, but building a local community is a much longer pro- cess. Romanian or Hungarian people could freely download properties in Saxon communities, without the approv- al of traditional leadership bodies and thus could enroll in the vicinities they belonged to through their property. Usu- ally though, they formed their own vicinities which, howev- er, were ought to have a Saxon father of the vicinity.

The decrease in the Saxon population due to the deporta- tions in the Second World War when they were considered dangerous for the safety of Soviet military operations carried out in the country and to the migration during the commu- nist regime, as well as the policy of collectivization of agri- culture in the 50s — 60s, have determined a considerable in- crease of the Romanian population or of other ethnic groups, in traditional Saxon areas.


The mutations generated by the change in the ethnic com- position have strongly in luenced the establishment or opera- tion of vicinities.

Old vicinities even if sometimes they merged due to the small number of Germans, meet old rules where possible. Instead, the newly established ones are no longer based on spatial proximity but rather on social proximity, on selection criteria such as friendship, occupation, age, gender, and have new rules of operation and somewhat different pur- poses, the membership to a vicinity becoming optional. Forms of Community Cooperation of Hungarians in Transylvania Hungarians in Transylvania manifested three associative forms similar to Saxon vicinities: Kalandos societies for funeral help; 2.

Vicinities after the Saxon model of Hungarian communi- ties situated within the territories inhabited mainly by the Saxons, which still operate and 3. Subsequently, they were strongly in luenced by the structure of the guilds.

Therefor, the leaders were were the copy of the guilds idem, p. These associations, apart from their stated purpose, also ful illed an important role in maintaining the moral values of the community.

The vicinities of the Hungarians in Transylvania, an imi- tation of the Saxon ones, nowadays almost disappeared ex- cept from the vicinity in Jimbor, Brasov county, described by Ferenc Pozsony. In the rural areas of the Saxon autonomous territories, Hungarian communities have adopted the organization model of the vicinity based on the written statute, on a high degree of structure and multiple functions. They gradually became mutual aid ethnic associa- tions, rural or urban, which could mobilize members to ad- dress other community issues too.

Local Initiative Groups 1. Informal initiative groups or with a lower degree of for- malization, established in order to build and exploit water supply networks through cooperation represents a case of community participation where group membership is not about adhering to a written statute and accounted for by the members, but rather about unwritten agreements.

Actions were at most reported as they were performed, in signed minutes, having attached payment documents for materials. The existence of quali ied people in the community had an important role in performing a more specialized work that would have otherwise induced high costs.

The top-down initiative ensured the ef- fectiveness of the proposed action due to the involvement of certain individuals with key positions in the community due to their access to resources, simplifying bureaucratic proce- dures, authority over the members of the community. Located in the Ture- ni commune, Cluj County. The village had a population of inhabitants at the census , nearly all Romanian. Almost every household had a fountain, but the groundwater in the area is m deep and there were no water pumps on the market, or pumping the water would have cost more anyway.

Surd Vasile. This committee was not formal- ly established and also no statute was set, and the decisions that were subsequently adopted were only verbal agree- ments, unrecorded in writing. Thus, the committee estimated the pipeline length to be of approx.

Some of the members of the committee have per- formed work that required a certain quali ication in exchange for reducing or fully compensating the established fee. The fee was slightly overestimated, in order not to compli- cate the collection process. Tax collection was not easy. The execution lasted two months and it did not respect a certain technical project endorsed by any institution.

Their remuneration was made with- out any written contract, in agreement with the committee, from the raised funds. There also worked many volunteers, but only the more quali ied work was remunerated. The ex- cavations for the basins and ditches for pipes were made mechanically, with the excavator from the A. Agricultural Production Cooperative who worked after hours or at times when he had nothing to do at the unit, the worker being paid from the collected fee.

Thus, the water network was built in the lanes and each household was to connect to it on its own expense. A minute was prepared at the end of the work, consigning all payments made and which was signed by all members of the Steering Committee.

On this occasion it was found that an amount of money remained unspent. For the same reasons the remaining amount was not refunded proportionately to contributors, but it was decided to be used for organizing an inaugural party.

The show was organized outdoors for everyone, but the table was set only for the families who have contributed to the water adduction. The event was very successful and many of the people who did not contributed to the adduction wanted to sign in on the spot, only to be present at the inauguration, but they were not accepted.

Actually, after the adduction was inished there were a few pro iteers, who connected their households with- out paying and they were never punished.

The operation of the network was not regulated in any way. Locks were put on the water basins in order to restrict access to the main taps. A quali ied plumber, who lives in the village, is occasionally paid to intervene for maintenance or repairs. There is no repair fund, so his remuneration is made at the initiative of one or few users affected by the defects.

They establish the cost of the work together with the plumb- er and collect the share from each family. The water network characteristics favor some users over others, resulting in con licts. Some people excessively use water for watering their garden, while others remain with- out water. In these cases the affected people open or force the locks open and turn off the water throughout the network.

This alarms the whole group, they carry out discussions and rules are established for the moment. Some residents brought the water into their house and built bathrooms, thus increasing their domestic comfort.

It was not rendered to the city hall for operation, in order to to avoid mattering and a possible user fee. Which were the favoring conditions of this initiative? What do you think are the advantages and disadvantag- es of this top-down initiative? What functional advantages would a higher degree of structure and formalization have given to the initiative? In this case, the initiative belonged to a group of citizens, thus it started from the bottom up, and the involvement of the public administration was reduced.

A irst adduction was made, followed by two others, by diffusion. Local communi- ty members have opted for separate water adduction due to the dissipated and low low water sources, the asymmetry in terms of access and ownership of their water resources, but also dif iculties in agreeing on costs.

In terms of water sources, there are many springs with moderate low in the area. In these circumstances people have associated to make joint water supply systems; the joint work aimed at bringing water up in each yard. From there each had introduced water into the household at their own expense, most of them subsequently building bathrooms. The irst initiative included an association of 13 families living on the upper Lane.

A second initiative was wider, it practically covered most of the village. The third targeted a total of nine families on the school Lane. In the opinion of those interviewed, the reason why only one adduction was not realized were: The adduction on the upper Lane.

The works were carried in and were made at the ini- tiative of a number of 13 families. The adduction in the village After the success of the irst adduction works and the ob- servation of the investment utility, most villagers wanted to bene it from such work. Thus, the water source was identi ied: To inalize the works every family has contributed 1, lei and the required labour for digging the ditches, digging and pouring the collector basin.

Around families were part of the association. A spe- cialist was paid out of the raised money, Pop Leonid, and also the acquisition of materials, which was made from the same sources as the former cases. The transport of the materials was provided by some members of the association, profes- sional drivers. Each family was assigned to execute a portion of the ditch, within a speci ied deadline. The work was com- pleted in three months in the summer of After the work was inalized, no operating regulation was written, but it was agreed from the beginning not to waste water, especially during drought times.

Over time, the necessary repairs and especially the desilt- ing of the basins and springs has been made based on the volunteer work of the associate members. Important in this case was the community action in when as a result of malfunctions, around m of pipe were replaced, from the source to the village shop. The City Hall has contributed only m of pipeline. Originally, the proposed solution by the L, etca City Hall was to make a new adduction from the local budget, provid- ed the metering of water was put in place too, and citizens to pay the City Hall the water consumption.

Citizens have re- fused this option, preferring to organize themselves. The adduction from Pipirig. The works were carried in , in April-May and start- ed from an association of 9 families on the school Lane to Pipirig. These families were hesitant to associate at previous initiatives believing there will not be enough water pressure due to the topographic position of the street.

Dragosim Sever was the cashier. The specialist contracted for the water pipe and ittings work execution was Pop Leonid from Baia Mare. The water abstraction was made from a spring located in a higher area of the lane, at a place called Piprig, where the basin of about 8mc was also built.

The total length of the pipeline was m. The work of the community represented digging ditches — each family being assigned a length of about 80m — and also digging and pouring the water basin, all to which was add- ed the contribution of 1. The L, etca City Hall contributed with one load of gravel for the poring of the water basin.

After the work has been inalized, lei remained unspent and the money was kept by the cashier to use for subsequent repair work. By Tita Arghil was in charge with the repair works, then each associate or together depending on the location and type of malfunction. There were no written usage rules, but it was determined that in times of drought gardens are not to be wet and water is not to be wasted.

All 3 adduction systems are currently functional, most families in the village having bathrooms and running wa- ter in their kitchens. For proper operation, people clean the stream and the basin regularly.

What do you think are the advantages and disadvantag- es of this bottom-up initiative?

What do you think about how these actions were propa- gated from one group to another? This case study was collected with the support of Mrs. Rodica Ciurte in May of Associations with a small number of members, those based on kinship or vicinity have a lower degree of structure and sometimes confused roles.

The factors that led to the formation of associations and the spatial diffusion of the model idem, p. The Capital of Development Development can not be conceived in the absence of cap- ital as an important factor of production. In a classical ap- proach, this can mean physical assets such as equipment, tools and machinery, buildings and other assets necessary for production processes. Financial capital means monetary funds, liquidity and inancial transactions that may be employed in the develop- ment process to generate revenue.

Linked to this we also ind the concept of legal capital de ined as the rights and provisions on certain values, goods or money that is in the possession of a natural or legal person, and which generate income dividends from shares, interest on loans without labor activity. Short term inancing needs may be insured out of own funds, current bank loans, fundraising, etc.

Fix capital represents the durable goods used in several production cycles without changing their structure they are slowly consumed and their form of depreciation is called at- trition. It can be productive the technical, real, self-replicat- ing capital or lucrative capital which really becomes capital to the extent it is used. In addition to the means of production, an important component is the infrastructure that consists of: Natural capital represents all elements goods provided by the natural environment, some preexistent to man, which can become inputs in the development process.

This is then supplemented in the process of personal development through the continuous ac- cumulation of knowledge, skills and abilities.

At community level the human capital results from the accumu- lation of the human capital of the members. This type of cap- ital is the best investment, representing the form of capital with the highest potential for development.

A high level of human capital can on the one hand contrib- ute to an increase in the economic welfare, and on the other hand, through the educational component to the increase in tolerance and con idence level at community level.

Thus, one can get into a vicious circle of permanent poverty Voicu, p. This comprehensive form of capital suggests the possibility of re conversion of certain forms of capital into others. Social capital represents all connections that are estab- lished at the community level between individuals or be- tween individuals and organizations, trust, norms and mu- tual aid.

Some authors Ritzen, Woolcock, pp. So there must be an optimal level of social capital, whereas social cohesion does not imply limits. Social cohesion em- phasizes relations with political institutions, while social capital does not imply this on the long run.

While social cap- ital refers speci ically to communities and networks, social cohesion has a wider coverage at society level. The impact of social capital on development can be an important one, meaning, in addition to economic growth, a more equitable distribution of wealth and poverty reduction.

However, the social capital in the community can not always ensure its prosperity. But the synergy between it and other forms of capital represents an important prerequisite for de- velopment.

The distinc- tion between the three forms of capital can help explain the fact that social position, the class of an individual does not necessarily depend on its economic position. The individual does not own or inherit only material goods, but also other goods, at least as important, out of which he can have mate- rial or symbolic advantages.

The de icient economic capital can be compensated in different proportions by the other types of capital. Bourdieu stressed that the development of social capital is determined by the development of durable relationships and of networks of relationships especially of those between groups of prestige, with considerable stocks of economic and cultural capital. Coleman imposed, through his work Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital, and Foundations of Social Theory, the concept of social capital in the American sociology, drawing a parallel with other forms of capital: Coleman, like Bourdieu, notes the possibility of convert- ing social capital — productive as any other forms of capital — in economic or even educational capital.

He distinguishes three forms of social capital: The term social capital, whose consecration is related to the book published by Robert Putnam entitled Making De- mocracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy in , has become very popular in recent years, its use getting beyond the boundaries of sociology. In this paper Putnam links the gap in performance be- tween the 20 regional governments in Italy and the different involvement of horizontal civic associations.

His subsequent publication Bowling Alone: Its use in different contexts and areas such as political science, economics or history, en- riched its meaning and signi icance.

Table 1. Approaches to the Concept of Social Capital. Winter, Ian, p. Author Definition Purpose Level of analysis Resource that provides ac- Ensuring econo- Individuals in a com- Bourdieu cess to community goods.

Putnam distinguishes between different forms of capital and clari ies the role civism has in generating social capital. A society with many virtuous people, but isolated, is not necessarily rich in social capital Putnam, , p. The more social capital is used in collective actions, the more the relationship between people, or between people and organizations, strengthen and diversify, the level of mu- tual trust increase, group norms are re ined and are stronger imposed.

All these lead to the augmentation of social capital, a phenomenon that is more than its regeneration. Social capital is not equally generated by all members of the community, there are always individuals or groups that invest more than others in relationships, trust, etc.


However, social capital is used not only by those who generated it, but by the whole community. Studies of social capital, including the theoretical, concep- tual as well as the applied research levels, have experienced an important development in recent years due to the follow- ing factors Badescu, pp. The World Bank Dudwick, Kuehnast, Nyhan, Woolcock, considers the implications of social capital as being signi icant for improving the quality, effectiveness and sus- tainability of community development operations Commu- nity Driven Development.

(PDF) Community Development. Case Studies | stanica viorel -

These dimensions conferred to social capital outline the complex picture that the institution has on the concept. Social capital makes the difference between the develop- ment of the community and CD. It is built on the relationships of trust and reciprocity among community members. If the members of a group come to expect that the behavior of others is to be safe and honest, they will come to trust each other. Trust is like a lubricant that makes any group or organization to operate more easily Fukuyama, , p.

Social Capital — Resource for Development The relationship between social capital and democra- cy generated a dispute. The in luence of cultural factors on democracy Tocqevillle directed the attention of certain re- searchers Putnam , Inglehart , Sides on an important aspect of culture, social capital. Conversely, other authors Jackman and Miller see things in an opposite way, meaning that democratic institutions are the source of social capital.

Social capital is the sustainable characteristic of societ- ies and those endowed with a high level, are more likely to bene it from stable democratic regimes; 2. Democratic institutions generate interpersonal trust through it, democracy is a determinant of social capital; 3. Volunteer associations are a positive fact in relation to the functioning of a democratic society, and their activity is positively in luenced by the level of social capital of the members of the society; 4.

Volunteer associations generate social capital and 5. The ties on which the the bonding and bridging types of social capital are based can be put in relation with what Granovetter Granovetter, called strong ties, and respectively weak ties. Analyzing the relationship between social capital and economic and social development, Narayan distin- guishes between an intra-group social capital, a bonding so- cial capital and a social capital based on the links between different groups — bridging social capital.

Woolcock describes a particular type of social capital — linking social capital — generated by strong vertical links between individuals placed in different positions in the social scale, more precisely between individuals at the basis of the society and in luential people at higher levels of the social hierarchy in politics, inancial institutions, etc.

Thus, there are three types of social capital see Figure 5 , as follows: Figure 5. Types of Social Capital Transversal links between different groups cross-cutting ties are very important, as they can generate opportunities for economic and social development. Social cohesion requires not only a high level of social capital, but also dense cross-cutting ties between groups, but not necessarily strong Narayan, , p.

But the relationships and net- works established within primary groups can cause, besides the undeniable advantages for their members, phenomena such as idem, p. Given that power is distributed unequally, asymmetrical- ly between groups, cross-cutting ties between social groups become important, both in terms of social cohesion reduc- ing social differences and hence the probability of the emer- gence of cleavages, disunion and of economic opportunities connecting to various resources based on information.

The igure below is suggestive with respect to the relationship between the type of social capital and governance. Exclusion 1. Social and latent conflict economic low bridging well-being high bridging social capital social capital insular social groups civic engagement 3. Conflicte 4. Relationship between bridging social capital and governance Source: Narayan, , p.

A low level of cross-cutting ties leads to social exclusion and potential for con lict between excluded groups and those in power quad- rant 2. In the case of dysfunctional states, the replacement of the poor functioning of institutions by the high levels of the bridging social capital, may constitute the basis for survival strategies quadrant 4 ; therefore, informal systems substi- tute the formal system.

A low level of bridging social capital, coupled with strong intra-group relations, may lead to social cleavages and it can even cause anarchy, violence, civil war quadrant 3. To prevent con lict situations between powerful, domi- nant groups and the excluded ones, and to guide things to- wards building social and economic welfare, governments should act in the following ibid.

The role of civil society in supporting them is also important.

Civil society organizations can act in two ways: It is es- sential for the creation of a healthy civil society, civil society representing the ield of groups and associations between the family and the state. Also, in certain circumstances, social capital can The associative en- vironment often proved creativity and abnegation, provides excellent practical and behavioral models, but development is not only based on social capital. In the absence of econom- ic resources or other forms of capital, it is of limited value Grootaert, The Romanian experience shows that in the communi- ties with a high degree of bonding social capital traditional, small, isolated villages , the participatory community de- velopment policies have problems due to the resistance to change.

Portes identi ies four negative consequences19 for commu- nity development, which can be induced by the intra-group 19 In the original text: Strong norms of reciprocity in the community may hin- der the economic success of certain initiatives of its members because of the too high expectations from rel- atives or other members jobs, loans that contradict the principles of economic management; 3.

Due to a high level of social control, the solidarity of the community restricts individual freedom and 4. This is why success stories are repudiated because this undermines this very foundation.

This re- sults in a leveling down of norms. At his turn, Fukuyama reveals less bene icial aspects of social capital.

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Such as inancial capital Fukuyama, which is not always a good thing can be invested in the pro- duction of weapons, for example social capital is not always bene icial. The Ma ia and the Ku Klux Klan are examples of organizations with high levels of social capital, which are part of the American civil society, but undertake harmful ac- tivities for the health of society.

Social capital remains a notion as popular as it is contro- versial because it explains certain economic, political and so- cial facts, but its effects are dif icult to measure and mostly to isolate from others, which are due to the intervention of other types of capital.

What are the six types of capital? Describe them. How many types of social capital do you know? What is the difference between the bonding type and bridging type of social capital? Why are cross-cutting ties important for poor or socially excluded groups? Therefor, in the economic, social and political ields and in the more speci ic areas of ur- ban and rural, community, organizational development, spe- cialists can no longer conceive development processes with- out the active involvement of the subjects of these processes.

The purpose of the process, namely the production of the common good is important. The Dilemmas of Collective Action David Hume, Scottish philosopher of the eighteenth cen- tury, gives us a simple parable that captures the essence of the dilemma the rational will of community involvement fac- es. It is pro itable for the both of us if I will work with you today, and you will help me tomorrow.

But I do not like you at all, and neither you like me too much. Therefore I will not make any effort to your gain; and if I work with you in my favor, awaiting a reward, I know I would be disappointed and that I would expect your appreciation in vain.

So I will let you work alone; you will do the same to me too. The harvest season will pass and we will both remain without supplies because we lacked mutual trust and safety. The game theory has studied this fundamental curse under a variety of guises: And if he limits himself to use the common pasture, the only one who loses will be him.

However, grazing without a limit will destroy the common resource which everyone depends on. Therefore, normally, no one feels the need 20 Marcus Tullius Cicero before Christ. If both refuse to talk, they both might have their penalties reduced, but if they fail to coordinate their confessions, for each it is better to denounce, whatever the other one does.

In all these situations, as well as in the rustic history of Hume, for each would be better if they could cooperate. Identify the elements that would make cooperation and participation possible in the above cases. Extrapolate to the broader context of the present collec- tivities, in neighborhoods or rural. Putnam, , pp. Community actions are based on voluntary or disinterest- ed participation, or on participation out of interest.

In fact, volunteering and co interested participation are the ex- tremes of a continuum in which participation can be placed. Regarding the relationship with social capital, it can be said that community participation is favored by weak links of bridging type, while the strong intra-group ties, bonding, inhibit participation in actions undertaken in the bene it of the community.

The survey conducted Sandu, , p. On the other hand, making the comparison between rural and ur- ban, the results of the research conducted by Robert Putnam in communities in Italy are relevant. The most uncivil areas in the peninsula proved to be the very traditional villages in the south. At the opposite pole there were the modern urban communities, economically and technologically developed, an evidence that modernization does not necessarily mean the end of the civic community Putnam, Knowing the type of motiva- tion for participation Sandu, is important for orga- nizing the community actions, to mobilize all relevant actors in the CD process.

In Table 2 there are classi ied the types of motivation that determine participation in CD actions Table 2. Types of Motivation for Community Participation. Sandu, , p. Conditions The acknowledged report of freedom between the personal and group interests Participation Discordant Concordant voluntary A.

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