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Roger Trancik Finding Lost Space Epub Download

ARCH From: Roger Trancik. Finding Lost Space. Van Nostrand: New York, Chapter 4: The Theories of Urban Spatial Design pp‐ Trancik, Roger, Finding lost space. Bibliography: p,. Includes index. 1. City planning—Philosophy. 2. Space (Architecture). —Philosophy. I. Title. NA'1. Finding Lost Space: Theories of Urban Design [Roger Trancik] on The problem of lost space, or the inadequate use of space, afflicts most urban centers today. Get your Kindle here, or download a FREE Kindle Reading App.

PDF k Send by e-mail 1An unexpected problem arose with the opening of the new University of Calgary library: too few chairs. Contemporary assumptions had suggested that the wide availability of library materials online would mean that patrons would not physically come to a building, but would rather consult necessary sources on their computers from the comfort of home. Yet, far from deserted, this new library needed more seats. What happened in a museum? A exhibition, Matisse: Pairs and Series, at the Pompidou Centre in Paris was wildly popular, engaging visitors in protracted discussions and long stays in the show.

Man-Made America: Chaos or Control? Google Scholar Ewing, R. The Concise Townscape. London: Reed Educational and Professional Publishing. Google Scholar Alexander, C. Ishikawa, and M.

New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar Jacobs, A. Appleyard Google Scholar Nasar, J. Streetscape Design Manual p. Google Scholar Elshestaway, Y. Google Scholar Hedman, R. Fundamentals of Urban Design. Chicago: American Planning Association. Jacobs, A.

Under what conditions can urban change escalate out of control or become paralysed? Resilience is not necessarily a good thing since the most intractable of urban problems are often deeply resilient. Much of the theory here is not new but I suggest that this is a new way of bringing it together and drawing out the connections between disparate concepts.

Koestler famously defined creativity not as an act of invention from nothing but as the act of creating an intersection between two previously unconnected frames of reference. My goal here is to intersect many different ways of thinking about the city. The chapters are metaphoric windows or lenses because they inevitably frame and distort the city as they engage with it, selecting some things to see while leaving others hidden.

I seek to draw both contrasts and synergies between existing theories since it is often the space between theories that is most fertile for new thinking. I have conceived the book as an assemblage of approaches that the reader might engage with at a variety of levels in different orders and with different outcomes.

Assemblage thinking is not an umbrella under which disparate theories sit, rather it is a means of connecting them and particularly of understanding the alliances, synergies and dynamics between them. The goal is to produce better ways of thinking rather than formulae. The book is written primarily to demonstrate the application of particular ways of thinking rather than the exposition of theory.

Theory is the toolkit, the means rather than the end — once the hole is dug or the frame is built, then the shovel or the hammer go back into the toolkit, where it may become useful for something else entirely. The writing is intended to be as concise and accessible as possible. In this Introduction 5 regard I see two major threats to critical urban design thinking — the tendency for academic writing to drift into jargon and for concepts to be misapplied.

Jargon is the production of a private and therefore inaccessible language. The work of Deleuze and Guattari certainly fits this category and the many neologisms lines of flight, body-without-organs, abstract machine are a serious barrier to comprehension.

There are no easy entry points into assemblage thinking because one needs to think in a different way in order to understand — it is the deep end wherever you dive in. There are many scholars and designers who apply such theory within the fields of architecture, urban design, landscape and architecture, yet proceed in very different directions to mine. This is not the place to critique such approaches, merely to comment that Deleuzian thinking suggests that such multiplicity is a good thing — there is no correct way to use conceptual tools.

It can be used to build the courthouse of reason. Or it can be thrown through the window. Does it help us to understand the city with greater depth and complexity or does it produce a certain closure of thought? Jargon can be necessary to accurately describe new concepts, it is one way in which language is renewed.

Yet jargon also protects theory against the critique of those who cannot or will not follow the writer into this private language. Her work is not immune to formulaic practice as analysis of most current urban design codes would reveal. Misapplication may be due to conceptual misinterpretation but it more often involves a premature closure of thought.

Innovative formal imagery that represents or expresses a theory captures the design imagination in graphic form while ignoring a deeper potential.

Theory is turned into symbolic capital and a form of legitimation. When future civilizations look back on the early twenty-first century it will be seen as the era of urbanization — the time when rural-to-urban migration transformed the proportion of people living in cities: when cities expanded massively in size and joined to form polycentric regions.

For better and for worse, future generations will be largely stuck with the urban design frameworks we create now. Major decisions about built form and spatial structure have great inertia: they cannot be changed with new policies or buildings because they largely shape the framework for such decisions.

In this sense urban design is the most permanent of built environment 6 Urban Design Thinking practices. I will return to these in the following chapter.

Another way to define urban design is in its relations to the major city building disciplines and professions of urban planning, architecture, landscape architecture and property development. In this context urban design is the decidedly multidisciplinary zone of practice that occurs where these disciplines and professions intersect. Urban design is distinguished from architecture in that it operates at larger scales and with a primary concern for spaces and connections between buildings.

It is distinguished from urban planning through a focus on morphologies and formal design outcomes. It differs from landscape architecture in its concern for assemblages of buildings and intensities of traffic and function.

Two Humanistic Communication Theories for Museums, Libraries and Archives

Each of these disciplines has its own languages, territories, borders and ideologies — they are not called disciplines for nothing. Urban design, however, is not strictly a discipline nor a profession. It is a branch of knowledge only inasmuch as the knowledge of which it is comprised involves a complex intersection of many other branches. It is a profession only inasmuch as it appears ubiquitously on the letterheads of architecture, urban planning and landscape architecture firms.

Urban design is not without its ideologues, but it crosses these borders and blurs these territories. Rather than a separate discipline that sits alongside, it is the intersection and the interstice between them. Urban design resists reductionism: it is not a branch of urban planning, architecture or geography; it cannot be reduced to economics or environmental, social or aesthetic critique. This multidisciplinarity is a large part of what makes urban design so interesting yet complex.

Urban design is not a profession in the sense that there is no body of knowledge that can be certified as a guarantee of good urban design practice. Yet it has a logic and a language of its own; it is a spatial discourse of plans, maps and images as much as words and numbers.

Finding Lost Space - Roger Trancik

While there is knowledge and skill that we hope all urban designers might share, much of what an urban designer needs to know will come from other fields. On the one hand this includes what is collectively known as urban studies — social sciences, fine arts, anthropology, psychology, literary criticism, philosophy, geography, economics, history and politics as applied to the city.

On the other hand major urban design decisions need to be informed by civil engineering, hydrology, earth sciences and the ecological sciences. Urban design is at once an art and a science, but it is also neither — urban design thinking is a between condition. Many fields of knowledge have legitimate claims over the shaping of urban space and it is often the tension between such claims that gives the field its vitality. A key skill for urban designers is the capacity to think about the city in many ways at once and to understand the city as a multiplicity.

More than simply knowledge about the city, urban design involves the imaginative task of inventing urban futures, a combination of both creative and critical thinking. Urban design inevitably mediates conflicts between different desires and interests, particularly where public interests conflict with private interests. What is ultimately at stake in urban design thinking is the future of this great cauldron of productivity and creativity we call urbanity.

Cities bring us closer together, they produce productive and creative encounter, giving us access to ideas, people and experiences that enhance life. We remain in the early days of understanding the generative and productive potential of cities and urban design is a key component of any such understanding.

Urban design does not cause anything so much as it mediates, enables and constrains; it creates capacities, possibilities and tendencies. This phrase is suggestive of an atmosphere, the character of urban life, the buzz of urban intensity. In the end this cannot be reduced to economics because the city is productive of much more than wealth — new ideas, forms of subjectivity, art, cultures, ways of seeing, public debate.

The best of cities are highly efficient urban ecologies where we can live better with less — where the big issues of social injustice, poverty and environmental degradation can be addressed in part through the shaping of public space. The reader should emerge with more questions than answers. The key to knowledge, as Socrates suggests, is to understand how little we know.

Urban space is shared with people whom we do not know and who do not share our views or background. To be urban or urbane is to show courtesy, to respect difference.

Urban space is not necessarily a place of friendship or bonding, it is a place where the ties are often weak but are based on the right to share public space and obligations to respect the rights of others to do likewise. The public realm is a space of interaction with others — a space of publicity Figure 1. These terms — urban, polis, city, public — collectively refer to an urban public space that is largely defined by the sociality and formality of encounter with difference.

Urban space is a place of exchange and traffic in people, ideas and goods. What we often refer to as problems of crowding and density cannot be separated from urbanity as intense encounter. Urban design as the shaping of urban public space involves the framing of these spaces of public encounter. Public space is at once objective and subjective: an assemblage of streets, buildings and public spaces where we learn public behaviour, where citizenship and subjectivity are produced and reproduced.

Whatever the differences of identity, class, ethnicity, age, ability or politics, public space is shared in common. Western Public Space In his book Flesh and Stone, Richard Sennett explores some key moments in the history of the relationship between the body and urban space in Western cities, a narrative I will use as a framework for understanding urbanity.

The birth of democracy in Greece in the fifth century bc involved the production of the agora as an open public space of assembly. Largely a marketplace, it also had a range of political, military, sporting and religious functions. Citizenship involved the obligation to speak your mind in public and this exposure of ideas was linked to the exposure of the body — nakedness in public space was accepted as a mark of strength and civility.

The physical urban space of the Athenian agora was a large but relatively undefined open space of about four hectares with a major diagonal thoroughfare Fig. Many different buildings appeared in and around the agora during different periods of ancient Greek history, including temples, law courts and long colonnades known as stoas along the edge.

The stoas were open-sided public buildings of indeterminate function that offered shelter from the heat, wind and rain.

However, the agora was not enclosed and the spatial organization was somewhat informal; the ground surface was flat with no privileged space from which to speak. Urban design was deployed to enable a flow of traffic in people, goods and ideas. This was the place where Socrates established the Western tradition of the search for truth through dialogue and critical thought; truth was to be discovered through debate in public space.

The agora was a space of contestation that included during one period a race track. The agora was not a site of harmony; it became the place where Socrates was condemned to death for corrupting the young and undermining authorized religion. Despite its beginnings as a forum for debate under the Roman republic, under imperial power it emerged as a site of one-way communication.

The introduction of the imperial Rostra as an elevated and privileged location from which to speak was enclosed by public buildings and legitimating temples that frame a space of less than a hectare Fig. The power of the state becomes stabilized in hierarchical urban form as public debate is moved to the interior.

Source B: Patterson, J. Urbanity 11 legitimation of power Sennett chapter 3. The body is now to be covered and controlled just as the alignments of buildings are brought into a linear and axial order. Triumphal arches emerge at both ends to frame the spectacle of the choreographed entry, especially the return of victorious troops from battle. Urban design is deployed to tell a singular story, to limit debate and order the world.

The larger city, especially in the colonies, becomes organized as a model of a larger ideal world with its axes, quarters and grids. European cities in the Middle Ages later become enclosed within walls like giant gated communities Sennett chapter 7.

Within these walls the ghetto develops as a sector of the city which is designed to prevent random encounter — cultural differences and marginalized identities particularly Jewish are contained by spatial division. Places within the city become enclosed with boundaries that operate as a social prophylactic to control the encounters between different classes of people. Singular belief systems are preserved and constructed through the enclosure of urban public space; urban design is deployed to stop urban mixing.

With the eighteenth century and the Enlightenment we find the city being opened up with a new belief that justice might be found in the opposite of enclosure, in visibility and transparency Sennett chapter 9. The French revolution was celebrated in what is now Place de la Concorde in Paris by toppling the statue of the king and removing all the trees. This vast and flat open space became symbolic of liberty, fraternity and equality — the birth of the Enlightenment. The guillotine was set up and the heads rolled to the cheers of the crowds who became consumers of urban spectacle.

We can see here the emergence of the idea that a vast unobstructed space can represent freedom, with later echoes from the Washington Mall to Tiananmen Square. In the nineteenth century with the rise of capitalism and modernity we see a growth of individualism: a crowd of individuals in a world of strangers Sennett chapter The ideal of urban anonymity emerges as the right to not be spoken to on the street.

The enlightenment involved the formation of a new kind of citizen — the docile subject in a disciplinary society and a public space of state surveillance Foucault Private space is, in turn, reconceived as a place of freedom, a refuge from the difficult city and a retreat to a supposedly more true self.

With twentieth-century modernism comes a renewed desire to order the city — a place for everything and everything in its place. Older cities with mixed functions and labyrinthine spatial structures were replaced with clean lines, visibility and purified urban order.

We see a new marginalization of women and children, and their displacement to the suburbs. Urban design is deployed to reduce uncertainty; to control and order the city under conditions of surveillance. For Sennett a kind of 12 Urban Design Thinking grey neutrality emerges in urban design, citizens withdraw from urban engagement.

Finding Lost Space

This in turn legitimates the use of public space for instrumental functions and private interests as capitalism produces a commodification of public space. Differences are relationships between different things, while identities are thing-like in the sense that we can grasp them in the mind like concepts or objects.

Difference is a contrast, a between condition that is not easily grasped; it is the productive ground from which identity emerges. Learning to grasp the urban design dimensions of the city as an assemblage of differences is a key task of this book.

Urban design thinking requires that we excavate the city as a cauldron of differences where identities are produced. This is only a history of Western cities, yet there are some parallels in Japanese, Chinese, Indian and Persian cities with histories that are different, but just as long and interesting. In all of these changes over time and across all of the differences between cities, the story of urbanization is one of how different societies and power regimes deal with the task of mediating conflicting interests, assembling the city and shaping urban space.

So why does this intensive urbanity matter? I want to conclude here with a series of brief comments on the importance of a vital urbanity and therefore the importance of urban design in five key dimensions — economic, environmental, political, aesthetic and social. The rapid urbanization of the planet and the incredible growth of cities is not due to a general preference for urban over rural life; it is because cities are the primary engines of wealth, innovation and cultural creativity — they produce jobs and therefore opportunities.

However, not all cites are equally productive. The economic benefit comes, in part, from the tacit knowledge one gets from intensive engagement in networks of face-to-face contact. Intensive urbanity produces informal learning like a good university campus where you learn more between classes than in them.

The urban assemblage — the people, practices, streets, buildings, open spaces and flows of connectivity — becomes both a school from which we learn continuously in everyday life and an incubator that enables and stimulates the production of wealth. The economic benefits of cities have long been recognized, but the benefits of urban intensity are more difficult to understand. In a knowledge-based economy based on flows of ideas, the shaping of urban space becomes crucial to productivity.

The economic advantage that the city produces through the shrinkage of distance is also an environmental advantage. Distance is friction and concentration of activity saves energy. In a context of urgent adaptation to climate change it has become clear that urbanization is not the problem and potentially provides dramatic reductions in greenhouse gas emissions.

The rampant car-based suburbanization of the twentieth century is inconsistent with low-carbon futures that are generally modelled on relatively compact cities and intensive public transit networks.

The concentric metropolitan model of the city with a downtown surrounded by suburbs Urbanity 13 is no longer the major driver of new urban development, which is becoming focused on polycentric networks and mega-city regions.

However, this does not mean that the intensified urbanity that has driven the city through history has become obsolete.

Finding Lost Space - Roger Trancik

Rather we are seeing an urbanization of the suburbs through intensified walkable transit nodes as a key model for low-carbon cities. Urban design will always be characterized by struggles over politics and power, over the uses of public space and questions of spatial justice. The shaping of public space is widely deployed to control and segregate populations by social class, ethnicity, religion, age and gender and to neutralize its social and democratic potential.

This much-used phrase is more difficult to define than to proclaim; however, this is the tradition of the agora extended to all citizens and all public spaces within the bounds of a civilized urbanity.

This intersection of desires is a large part of what makes it public and makes urban design so interesting.

One of the great paradoxes of urban design is that while there is a strong tradition in understanding the composition of buildings and public spaces that form the city as a work of art, the most potent of urban aesthetic impacts are created by many hands rather than a single controlling vision.

The city is a palimpsest that emerges as the result of multiple layers of creativity, erasure, history, politics, economics and technical invention.

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