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You remove all your constructed roads from the board and cover your settlements in vines to denote that these may no longer be developed.
But your game doesn't end there. When your tribe goes into decline, you place a new settlement on an available board space and continue the game using this new settlement. Your tribe's settlements in decline can no longer develop into cities, and you cannot build roads from them. They may even be replaced by your opponents' tribes! However, as long as they remain on the board, your previous culture's settlements and cities continue to provide you with resources.
Once you establish your third tribe, you are in the end game. You win by being the first to fully develop this tribe and usher in the rise of the Inkan Empire. The strategic choices you face in Catan are even more nuanced in Rise of the Inka.
As you approach the pinnacle of a tribe's development, your opponents look for ways to take advantage of your settlements in decline and try to take the best locations for their own!
Deciding when to advance your tribe is something that you must carefully consider, for simply rushing to advance can put you in a compromised position as the resources you relied on can be claimed by your opponents.
Many familiar Catan rules are slightly altered to create a fresh Catan experience. These objectives no longer grant simple victory points but instead offer a gameplay advantage. Each player may trade with the supply at a standard rate of 3:1. Additional commodities produced by the sea and jungle areas allow for additional access to needed resources via a set-collection trade method that is new to Catan.
Did you first develop the theme or the game mechanics? Klaus: As in most of our games, what initially captivated us was the theme — in this case, a historic one. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, for centuries the Andes were home to a great number of indigenous tribes, which developed into advanced civilizations, declined, and were displaced by new, flourishing tribes.
The Inkas were the last in this long line of successive advanced indigenous civilizations. Benjamin: Displacement as a feature of the game mechanics derives directly from this history. In the game, each player successively takes charge of three tribes.
Once you have led a tribe to its apex, you put it into decline and take charge of a new tribe. You mark the game pieces belonging to tribes in decline with thicket pieces.
Declined tribes still provide their owners with resources but may be built over with settlements of new tribes. You win if you are the first player to lead your third tribe to its apex.
In the historic context, the winner is the one who has caused the rise of the Inkas. Klaus: We both like to take an exciting story and bring it to life in a game.
DAtroy Darryl A. Contemporary Context............................... In Peru, paradoxically, both recent states of guerrilla warfare and the subsequent reduction of violence have acceler- ated the threat to cultural patrimony of the Andes. An influx of refu- gees into areas rich in archaeological resources, engendered by the Shining Path insurrection of the 1980s, has been followed by a surge in tourist traffic as hostilities have been damped down since the 1990s.
In turn, this ap- proach may provide some insight into how to conserve those links as a prominent aspect of world heritage. D'Altroy, who has visited and worked in the Cuzco region since 1977. This population increase was prompted by rural flight resulting from the Shining Path insurrection, natural pop- ulation expansion, and the burgeoning tourist trade in the region.
Among the many related consequences of these processes: 1 an expanding occupation onto an archaeologically modified landscape; 2 depletion of agricultural lands by an encroaching urban sprawl, not just around Cuzco itself but also in the Sacred Valley e.
Spehn, Maximo Liberman, and Christian K6rner eds. Various agencies have already been responding to these circum- stances from the perspective of conserving and investigating the threatened resources. The Peruvian government, the World Bank, UNESCO and the World Monuments Fund, among other agencies, have already taken major steps, in the face of many pressures, to protect the region's cultural patrimony and natural resources.
In part, it seems that this approach to heritage management is framed within a logic that seeks to present archaeological resources as easily consumable, tangible resources-the spectacular ruin that can be captured in a single photograph or a definable cluster of standing archi- tecture, which can be enclosed and for which visitors can be charged entry. The theoretical concept at the heart of an alternative rationale cen- ters on an approach to landscape that studies the relationships of the physical landscape to social memory, power, performance, and knowl- edge.
From this viewpoint, which has gained considerable currency over the last fifteen years or so, the notion of landscape simultaneously takes account of the material world and the social space that people create, inhabit, interact with, and modify. It is something that is constantly shaped as people imagine, experience, and engage it through the lens of their particular knowledge and beliefs.
It provides a conceptual framework through which people understand their world and a physical location that they modify and within which they behave, linked by the practices that mediate between the conceptual and the material.
Physical and biotic features provide both opportunities and challenges for people's behavior, but the choices people make in engaging with their living space-what options they see before them, what resources they choose to exploit, and how they choose to dispose themselves on the land or 18 Id.
In the Inka view of the landscape, humanity and other beings did not so much live on or in the land, as moved about or exercised power within an animated space that included the earth, its surface, the waters, and the heavens.
Physical features of the land were conceived of and described as parts of the human body or as human kin, 2 5 while individ- ual terraces on royal estates had their own names and histories. Not until the last twenty years have archaeologists grappled seri- ously with issues of how this kind of sensory experience and imagination would have constrained or shaped people's use of the land. A number of influential phenomenological studies of ancient landscapes have relied on highly qualitative methods, describing prehistoric monuments through an appreciation of their sensuous qualities, and how they may differ according to variable circumstances such as time of day, season, or weather conditions.
Bernard Knapp eds. In contrast, the first applications of GIS technologies to archaeo- logical landscapes during the 1990's lay at the opposite end of the meth- odological And theoretical spectrum. The issues surrounding landscape are not limited to space and place but are inextricably linked in archaeology with the notions of time and social memory, 36 acted out in the context of claims made on or about the land and its perpetually re-imagined history.
Those events are characteristically 31 Mike Parker Pearson et al. Berndt ed. Among the Inkas, and likely among many other complex societies, that relationship was inverted in a crucial way. An array of increasingly elaborate ceremonies was carried out on a network of shrines in and around Cuzco to validate a mythical history that was intentionally modified to suit power relationships among the elite.
That is, ritual was conducted to realign the past with the present, not to rec- oncile the present with the past. The re-envisioned past was then used to legitimize both a newly constituted political present and an evolving imperial knowledge. The complexity of the relations between humanity and the landscape made the latter the consummate location to play out the relationships among power, time, and memory.
If one places this issue in a larger context, its significance should stand out more clearly. The emergence of early empires is often envi- sioned as a contest of power between expansionist polities and their targets, and between aspirants to leadership among the peoples caught up in the struggle. One of the myriad questions that arise from our current vantage point concerns how the Inkas created, adopted, or modified the principles that organ- ized their empire.
As much as they claimed that the imperial polity was little more than a local kin-based society writ large, 2 the evidence is overwhelming that they took up a vast array of new, or radically refor- mulated, ideas that gave order and legitimacy to their rule, at least in their own eyes. This is Gell's recapit- ulation of the work of Levi-Strauss, made throughout his writings.
Verne ed. The publication is based on the proceedings of the 1958 annual spring meeting of the American Ethnological Society. How did they determine which ideas were acceptable for discussion within the discourse of their history and organization? How did they separate meaningful statements that were potential truths from those that would be set down as prevarica- tions or outright lies? That is, what was the process of shaping the canon of imperial knowledge?
While we do not have access to the de- tails of the process, it appears that the contesting parties drew on and embellished a complex mix of narratives about the origins of the cosmos and humanity and about their own past. A novel position could be put forward at least in part through oral argument and an integrated set of public performances that re-enacted or reinforced social relations by linking them to ostensibly historical events.