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The video had been sent anonymously to the Chicago Sun-Times, which had published child sex allegations against the singer nearly two years earlier. That very same day, Feb.
Kelly finds himself in handcuffs outside his holiday home in Florida. A grand jury in Cook County, Ill. The charges include seven counts each of directing the taping, producing the video and enticing the underage girl into performing illicit acts. That state would also charge Kelly with an additional 12 counts of creating child pornography, alleging that during his arrest, police found a camera with new images showing sex with an underage girl. Those charges would be dropped after a judge found that the camera was improperly seized.
Seven of the original 21 charges in Chicago would also eventually be dropped in , after prosecutors acknowledged that those counts pertained to a law that wasn't passed until after the alleged taping.
Kelly was arrested at his Florida home after Chicago police placed his arrest warrant in the national crime database. During this stretch, he continues headlining tour stops and recording new music — even snagging six Grammy nominations.
More than half a decade passes before his trial begins. Kelly failed to make a scheduled court appearance because his tour bus was stopped speeding by Utah authorities and he couldn't make it to court the next day.
One time, Judge Gaughan, the presiding judge, he fell off a ladder and hurt himself so he was out for a while.
Another time If convicted on all charges, Kelly faces the prospect of 15 years in prison. Enlarge this image An artist's rendering shows R.
We reporters live in a world of sharply contracting budgets where, as Nick Davies explained in his brilliant and definitive Flat Earth News , journalists are increasingly dependant on PR and government hand-outs.
There are far too few like Goslett who treat journalism like a vocation, and my word we need more of them. A few years ago Miles Goslett told me he was investigating the death of David Kelly, the government scientist who died, apparently through suicide, after he was caught up in the post-mortem into the Iraq War calamity.
When it was finished Goslett asked me to read the book.
I liked it, and introduced him to my publisher, Neil Belton at Head of Zeus. Neil read it, admired it and decided to publish. Some words of mine explaining the importance of the book appear on the back cover.
Within days a review appeared, written by the Times columnist David Aaronovitch. I thoroughly approve of hostile book reviews. There is much too much backscratching on the literary pages of newspapers, far too little forensic examination.
However I do believe that a hostile review should be intellectually honest. This means giving the ordinary reader a fair account of the book before demolishing it. The real book written by Goslett as opposed to the Aunt Sally created by Aaronovitch is a notable contribution to contemporary political history.
Goslett makes no wild assertions. He has as far as I can tell no political agenda.
He convincingly shows Hutton failed to call the right witnesses, or ask the right questions. This book is, however, a breakthrough moment because till now political journalists like me have tended to look at Hutton from the Westminster point of view.
This is the territory that Goslett makes his own. This remains a strange decision.
Both the Hutton Inquiry and the inquest could have gone on simultaneously. Evidence presented to a coroner is given under oath. Lord Hutton did not call John and Pamela Dabbs, friends of the Kellys who were some of the last people to see him alive in the days before his death.
Hutton failed to discover that the knife Kelly supposedly used to cut his wrist had no fingerprints on it. Nor did some of the other items found beside the body including a water bottle, some empty pills packets, a watch, a pair of glasses and a mobile phone.
All despite the fact, says Goslett, that Kelly was not wearing gloves that day and none were found with his body. Pointing out all these and many other failures and inconsistencies seems to me to be a valuable piece of investigative journalism, but Aaronovitch leaves Times readers in the dark about them all.
We have all noticed a new and disturbing coarseness in modern political and media discourse, marked in particular by a failure to understand or even acknowledge other points of view. He does attack Goslett on a few specific points. Aaronovitch writes: His contention is that Blair moved suspiciously quickly, once he knew of Kelly's death, to call an inquiry into a suicide that he couldn't be sure was a suicide.
Why, asks Goslett, did Blair not also consider the possibility that Kelly had "been the victim of a random assault by a psychopath"? Answers, as they say, on a postcard. This account gives the impression to readers of The Times that Goslett is a nutter who thinks that Tony Blair should have entertained the proposition that Kelly might have been subject to a random attack by a psychopath.
This is what Goslett actually wrote.