Diário de Uma Paixão - Nicholas Sparks. p. 1 / Embed or link this publication. Popular Pages. p. 1. [close]. p. 2. agradecimentos esta história tornou-se o que. Paulo aracer.mobi aracer.mobi O Diário de um aracer.mobi O Monte Cinco Formula 1 O Circo e o aracer.mobi Essas experiências e o seu t r a b a l h o p o s t e r i o r n o nossa profissão, Há u m o u t r o e x c e l e n t e e x e m p l o de u s o da lógica, e m " O diário de de m a n e i r a a l g u m a, d i m i n u e a i n t e n s i - dade e a paixão de sua .
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O Diário da Nossa Paixão (Paperback). Published Diário de Uma Paixão ( Paperback). Published by Diario de una pasión (Paperback). Published. Prologue. Is it possible, I wonder, for a man to truly change? Or do character and habit form the immovable boundaries of our lives? It is mid-October , and I. Sua paixão pelo serviço o levou para a carreira médica, e logo ele mudou-se . buscamos em nossa existência diária, é necessário saber o que harmonia .. Um Diário Espiritual: Quando você for para a cama todas as noites, você deve.
This paper concerns the seaport of Lisbon, reconstructing the maritime activity of the foreign ships in the Lisbon docks during the second half of the 17th century. The main source are the reports of Inspections which the officials of the Holy Office of the Inquisition carried out on the foreign vessels calling into the port of Lisbon.
The present analysis concerns the three codex of Lisbon, which cover a period of 44 years between and livro , ; livro , ; livro , The codex livro is not complete: records are for July-November , , March-May , October-December , , The year is completely lacking, and in the year there are only 34 annotations: too few for a comparison to the inspections of We can hypothesize that not all the ships were inspected during The following pages look particularly into the first codex , the richest in information concerning the cargos goods and merchandise , the composition of the crews, the various kinds of books and images, and the passengers present on the ships.
The other two codex are simpler and more repetitive: they lack information concerning the merchandise, which is indicated with the generic term fazendas.
The origins of the ship, the captain, and crew members, are not specified; and the information concerning the Inspection is limited to a repetitive formula. Bergholm, L. Fischer and M. We find confirmation of this trend in the decreasing number of lawsuits against foreigners after the Restoration. Indeed, between and , trials of foreigners accused of Protestantism were , while only 21 such lawsuits were initiated from to the end of the century6.
The aim of the Livros para as visitas das naus was to conserve the purity of Catholicism in the realm, since the movement of ships into the port brought people from countries where Protestantism and Judaism had been spreading. The task of the Holy Office was to monitor any signs of heresy, and this it did in minute detail7.
The richness of information about the vessels entering the port of Lisbon suggested using the codex to study the commercial trends of Portuguese seaports8. Nevertheless, more than valuable data on trade, these sources enable us to delve more deeply into the issue of how religious beliefs and institutions themselves were affected by commercial relations with members of other religions.
Indeed this study has a twofold objective: on the one hand, to deepen understanding of the gap between the procedures of religious inspection and the official norms that could affect international trade; on the other, to offer some primary insights into the practice of trade in an increasingly complex world, in which cross- and inter-cultural relationships contributed to reshaping 6 I.
Mendes, D. Dias A. Carvalho dos Santos ed. Novinsky, M. Networks of trade and commercial routes may be re-discussed in the light of the interconnection of the geographical spaces, the goods and the individual, which was made real by interaction within the global context. This paper is organized in three parts. First, the political and economic framework is analyzed to offer a guideline to understanding the context in which international trade took place.
In the second part, some details on the practice of the inspections of foreign ships will be given through the analysis of regulations and procedures. Finally, in the third part, data on commercial routes, goods imported, nationality of the vessels, are considered. Great importance is given to the spatial context — on where social exchange and economic transactions took place — so as to understand the relationship between human societies, economic exchange and geographic space In the same year, the Netherland government offered the Dutch West India Company a monopoly privilege on trade within the area of the Atlantic Ocean, severely jeopardizing Portuguese commercial outposts in Brazil.
The military occupation of the Brazilian ports — whose position was strategic for control over the profitable sugar trade — triggered a long war, in which the restored reign invested many resources, attempting to recover the occupied 10 L. Halevi, F. Trivellato, C. Antunes eds , Religion and Trade. Prata and M. Ramos ed. Between and , the new royal house had to develop a new strategy to support diplomatic acknowledgement of its political and dynastic independence and cover the increasing costs of Dutch assaults at sea and Spanish pressures to regain control.
Furthermore, defense depended on a positive trend in international trade, which was, instead, dangerously sparse. Finally, the economic stability of the new independent country was threatened by the loss of key outposts in Africa, Asia and America. Portuguese diplomatic strategy thus pursued the national interest14 by seeking new alliances against Spain to safeguard its independence and avoid isolation within the theater of European powers Military efforts combined with the question of trade in this search for new allies: England recognized the new Portuguese reign in and offered military support to expel the Dutch from Brazil in exchange for privileges of free trade in Portuguese colonies and ports.
Still, Dutch attacks in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans dealt a blow to the Portuguese economy, damaging the traffic of slaves and the survival of the sugar plantations Only the marriage between Caterina of Braganza and Charles II in broke the alarming marginalization into which Portugal had been falling after the Restoration.
Seventeenth century Portugal experienced a radical transformation in the structure of its international trade.
The prosperity of the last quarter of the 16th century — marked by the definition of a geography of large sugar plantations in Pernanbuco — was followed by a new scenario.
War against Dutch vessels improved trade in the South Atlantic regions, defining a new space within the Atlantic area. Despite the embargo of Dutch ships, the major Portuguese seaports, especially Oporto, managed to guarantee the flow of sugar After , it was clear that the prospective of recovering the India trade was completely dismal due to the loss of the most valuable portions of the Portuguese Eastern Empire to the Dutch and English Analyzing the various 13 L.
Freire Costa, P. Lains, S. Alessandrini and A.
Subrahmanyam, Comercio e Conflito. Freire Costa, Imperio e grupos mercantis. However, the geographic mobility of merchants did foster foreign commerce conducted by traders coming from strongholds of Protestantism in Europe. Particular attention was granted the Dutch in response to the decree of the Dutch government in favor of the Portuguese inhabitants in the Dutch Republic The short life of the Company did not compromise the complicity between the Crown and merchant groups. Indeed, in the last quarter of the 17th century, the lack of war in demanding a political alignment made the advantage of the English merchants as compared to other communities clear Visitas as naus estrangeiras: a Brief Description Scholars agree that there was an adversarial relationship between the Holy Office and the Crown due to the lack of financial resources made available to the Inquisitional Court.
De Sousa, , p. Antunes, F. Ammanati ed. The primary objective of the visitas as naus estrangeiras was to close the frontiers to the entry of forbidden books, which had been listed in a Rol since According to the regulation, all the ships suspected of heresy entering Portuguese ports must be inspected by the visitador, accompanied by a Holy Office solecitador and a scribe who understood the language of the crew.
This procedure, common by the end of the 16th century25, became regular in the next century, the first Regulation being promulgated in While only two Inspectors and one scribe had been nominated in the 35 previous years26, between and six visiadores and two scribes were appointed Even if there were very detailed Regulations concerning the behavior of the visitadores on the ships, we can note the almost complete lack of appropriations in these registers.
Concerning this issue, Francisco Bethencourt affirms that the records show a repetitive scheme devoid of valid contents, constituting in itself an additional element in understanding the behavior of the inquisitorial bureaucratic apparatus Inspection of foreign ships became a regular procedure only in the 17th century, but archives do conserve some information about inspecting procedures in the previous century.
It can be supposed that before the establishment of a specific institution, inspections usually were carried out following a notification to the Inquisitional Court.
In this case the request to examine the ships came directly from the General Inquisitor. On the 18th of June, , Armando da Silvera was entrusted with Visiting a ship urca from Danzig: its captain mestre Hans Mayer, from Bremen, was accused of carrying forbidden books in a barrel of beans. During the Inspection no books were discovered, but the Visitador questioned the captain about some barrels of cereals that had been delivered, the captain declared, to the shop of Fernando da Molina.
At the end of the fruitless Inspection, Armando da Silveira apologized to German merchant Gaspar Cunertorf for jeopardizing his business. Indeed, Cornelis Cuffsem in Danzig had ordered the barrels in question to be delivered to him Beyond the 24 G. Marcocci, J. Hans Mayer charged on the ship Cavalo Branco 40 laste unit of measure used in the North Countries of rye for cruzados that had to be paid to him; half of cargo was for Gaspar Cunertorf, and the other half for Fernando de Molina.
Captains were recruited to carry goods on behalf of merchants who had business in Lisbon, but the prestige of the merchants did not guard against the control of Inquisition, although the failure of the Inspection, and the subsequent apology presumed a carefulness of the official towards foreign traders.
Yet, in the 17th century, the fact that the same seafarer had different charges i. This fact probably conceals a tolerance concerning the possibility of smuggling. A distinction must be made regarding the variety of information concerning the presence of the captains on the ships during the visit: in the first codex the records registered the absence of the captain, in some cases informing of his return on board during the course of the Inspection.
The two other codex and did not specify the presence or absence of the captains, perhaps because the register was signed by the piloto or the contromestre. In one case the recordings do disclose that the captain was not present in person, having been taken to the customs to carry out checks on the goods transported.
This procedure limited the possibility of contraband during the time between the arrival at the port of the ship and the commencement of inspections The Regulations assumed that royal Ministers and Inspectors of the Inquisition carried out their inspections for contraband together, but it seems that never occurred in practice.
In both cases, the Visitador asked the captain, who had gone ashore, to return on board and open the bales to see if they contained forbidden books.
On this ship, the captain also carried some precious goods that he could sell in Lisbon: i. Passengers, too, might bring items to sell in the Lisbon marketplace, as we see from the records of a ship from Bristol on 31st of July The same vessel, the Cavaleiro, with her captain, Jan Cavaliero, had already called at Lisbon on the 20th of October , loaded with butter, salmon, carbon and lead. She also carried two English passengers.
One year later, when the ship returned to Lisbon, the inspector accepted these books as already registered during the previous visit and did not insist on viewing them. International Trade in the Port of Lisbon The records of the visits of the foreign ships can be a useful instrument for monitoring international trade in the Lisbon seaport, especially because of the lack of other economic documents such as duty registers.
From the data gathered, we can observe both the number of ships entering Lisbon seaports from different countries in the second half of the 17th century and the connection among the major seaports of Europe and the Atlantic Ocean.
Recently, a new historiographical current has stressed the importance of private initiative in promoting overseas expansion in terms of finance, trade, economic development and colonial agreement. Instead, private agents carried out multiple economic activities that crossed the frontiers of various empires The agency of mariners is also important to understanding the contact between different cultures in the early modern age.
On 11th of July , a Dutch passenger arrived in Lisbon from Amsterdam travelled on a Dutch ship to negotiate in the Portuguese seaport. Garrido, L. Freire Costa, L. Postado por Minha sobrinha Maria Fernanda Sabino.
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