Juni Grimm, Hans - Volk ohne Raum (, S., Scan, Fraktur). 'Volk ohne Raum'. A Note on Hans Grimm. Francis L. Carsten. Of all the political slogans Current -I. Germany in tLAe s and. I~~OS, none exercised a. One of the most popular German novels of the interwar years was. Hans Grimm's Volk ohne Raum ("People without Space"), which was pub- lished in
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Volk ohne Raum was a political slogan used in the Weimar Republic and Nazi Germany. The term was coined by the nationalist writer Hans Grimm with his novel Volk ohne Raum (). Print/export. Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version. Hans Grimm (22 March – 29 September ) was a German writer. The title of his novel Volk ohne Raum became a political slogan of the . Print/ export. Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version. This dissertation aims to place Hans Grimm's uncompleted the concept of space in Grimm's novel Volk ohne Raum (Nation without Space).
Thereafter, under his domestic workers as a means of disciplining and German and colonial law prior to , citizenship was subordinating them, to the extent of causing several carried by the pater familias, and mixed marriages deaths and beating two pregnant women to the point of conferred full German citizenship to the children and miscarriage. Although originally sentenced to 21 months wife of a German male married to an indigenous woman in prison, upon appeal and in the wake of a popular outcry Walther, , p.
At this time, such marriages did not his punishment was reduced to a paltry four months jail necessarily bring with them the type of social disapproval and a fine — scarcely a meaningful legal deterrent to or legal problems that they would engender in later years, racially motivated homicide O'Donnell, This regulation was framed in such conjugal relationship with native, namely Bastard girls, in a way as to reconceptualise race as an intrinsic quality the absence of white girls.
They are moved simply rather than at least partially performative or normative, through the circumstance that the Bastard girls quite often as it had previously been understood.
Sentiment various participants in the Reichstag debate over mixed aside, familial arrangements between Germans and M. In some quarters, they colonial rebellion Walther , p. To the extent that biological respectively Schulte-Althoff, , p. The legal notions of race were deployed to discuss Mischlinge at all sanctions against mixed families in Southwest Africa in this period, they were heavily blended with socio- were further strengthened in when already existing cultural tropes, with racial difference and racial mixing mixed marriages were annulled and the children of these not necessarily perceived as negative.
With arguments now illegal unions were declared to be indigenous, not that dated back to Alexander Humboldt, some theorists German Bley, ,p. Those Mischlinge that form of imperialism Blome, , p. These ensuring that tropical areas could be colonised success- moves were also supported by legal test cases in and fully by Afro-German Mischlinge Schulte-Althoff, Zimmerer, , p. In , the Landesrat in , p. Only through particularly dangerous. Discussions of race during and contact with the ruling class would claims arise that after the war now supposed that the whiteness that had could not be fulfilled and that would lead to been bequeathed them had improved Mischlinge intel- dissatisfaction.
If the Mischlinge grew up side by lectually, however their blackness meant that this side with the natives, they would be accustomed to M. Becker, b, p. To combat bolster the colony's racialised class differentials. The Mischlinge, once seen of the German race To reinforce the failing racialised class fully formed as an all-encompassing discourse with its distinctions of German Southwest Africa, the colonial own rationale, but rather began as the rationale for another administration resorted to biological criteria for belonging form of racism — social racism.
Concerns regarding to the national family. This colonies. Although the majority of Mischlinge were not in shift in material conditions moved colonial officials to legally recognised German families and were not the find new methods of reinforcing the connection between product of legally sanctioned marriages but of unregulat- class and race in the colonial setting by shifting the ed cohabitation and extra-marital sexual encounters, the parameters of racial identification to focus on biological population figures for the German colonies in show composition.
Axter has called the process of Schwarz-Werdens — Crucially, post colonial discussions surrounding becoming black through behaviour and status Axter, the juridical revision of what conditions attended , pp. Although expressed in racial terms, as Mischling status were characterised by a notable, an anxiety about colonial whites becoming black the fear transitional blending of the tropes of both the traditional of Verkafferung a term borrowed from the British South M.
By establishing solution, this redefinition of what race meant came at the families with women who were not German citizens in expense of those coloured Germans that were cast out their own right, but were African Mischlinge, downward- from the German body politic, no longer officially ly mobile German settlers were ostensibly diluting both recognised as a hybrid subsection of the German self, their German identity and the critical imperial social but relegated to the status of the African other.
As Katharina Walgenbach has argued, this behind the legal reforms in German Southwest Africa meant that the post biological scrutiny of the being socially rather than biologically racist, the juridical liminally situated Mischlinge, sparked by the war, response to these questions focused not on social took place against the backdrop of the longer term social- solutions to settler poverty, but on strengthening the racist fear that race could be culturally transmitted from legal colour bar, and the addition of biological criteria to black women to poor white men in mixed race domestic colonial but not metropolitan notions of the German situations.
This had material consequences for One could gain or lose race. The state of being white coloured Germans. It was poten- Walgenbach, , p. A fear emerged that if race tially a matter of life and death. The appeal of the new lation Vernichtungsbefehl of October , decreeing biological racism was that if racial identity was re- that any Herero found within the German colony would imagined as intrinsic rather than as performative, as a be shot or driven out of the colony Bley, , pp.
There is no ruled. By regulating Nazi eugenicist world view emerged courtesy of such family life and citizenship and reinforcing the colonial figures as Eugen Fischer who had visited the colony in dichotomy, an attempt was made to perform what George the post period. Colonial laws on mixed marriages Steinmetz, has called the stabilisation of the colonised adhered to the social logic of colonial class dynamics Other.
This stabilisation was necessary, it seemed, to which did not pertain to the case of Jews during the M. The biologically German family: From the and Smith, , pp. That a nascent of the colonies in a number of sittings devoted to the biological epistemology of race rather than the earlier question of mixed marriages in The movement of socio-cultural racial epistemology was gradually begin- these debates from periphery to metropole is easy to trace.
Biological racism does not governor of German Samoa, Wilhelm Solf Samulski, appear to have been questioned as heavily in as it pp.
It should be Colonial Secretary, attempted to induce the Reichstag in emphasised, however, that the discernible difference to confirm that mixed marriages were illegal under between and is not in itself a sufficient not just colonial, but German law. Biological racism remained miscegenation, raising the spectre of coloured Germans marginal within Wilhelmine Germany, where the unique- from German Southwest Africa returning to populate ly racialised class conditions of the colonies did not apply.
German families. The contours of Solf's argument were Nonetheless, as biological racism came to increasingly designed to elicit revulsion and disgust, as a prelude to inform political debate in the colonies after , there expulsion. His rhetoric, in other words, was an exhorta- were some signs of intellectual leakage in the citizenship tion for legislative abjectification: debates in Berlin thereafter, despite biological racism's continued marginality.
Gentlemen, I ask you urgently to be led by your That these eugenicist discursive innovations remained instincts You are sending your sons to the marginal in Berlin was due to the fact that they were not colonies. Would you like them to bring you black merely contested but successfully contested, in a way that daughters in law into the family? Would you like they were not during the Third Reich. Indeed, the finer them to lay woolly-haired grandchildren in the grain of the Reichstag debates reveals that while a cradle for you?
Do you want white women to certain consciousness of blood purity and its implications return with Hereros, Hottentots and Bastards as for sexuality, marriage and reproduction within the family husbands?
Mistaken humanity will take its re- was discernible, most notably amongst National Liberals venge, just as the honourless descent to the level of and Conservatives, the conceptualisation of German the lower races will Solf in Kundrus, , p. The entire German nation will thank you if Importantly, the Social Democrats and Centre parties you have no other consideration than this: we are continued to argue according to the older humanist racial German, we are white and we want to remain white tropes of potential racial improvement through European Solf in Essner, , p.
For their part, the Social Democrats argued prohibiting mixed-marriages in all of Germany's main that forbidding marriages between Germans and Africans colonies by , no such biological barrier to the family would ensure that all sexual relations between Europeans route to German citizenship was erected by the Reichstag. The Catholic Centre Party saw in Solf's imperial metropole to impose a racial complexion upon proposal both an attack on the sacred institution of M.
Ultimately, this biopolitical they had been in Southwest Africa itself. As a result they form of state interference in the life of the family was not had attempted to discourage mixed marriages by accepted by the Reichstag, with the Social Democratic sending a trickle of marriageable women to the colony and Catholic arguments against a racial definition of the as early as These efforts were appreciably stepped German family triumphant.
The principle of state control up in Pierard, , pp. These civil society organisa- German imperial power, whilst endorsed in the radica- tions were far in front of both the Reichstag and colonial lised environment of post— Southwest Africa, was society in embracing biopolitical solutions to imper- never endorsed at the empire's centre prior to World War ialism's socio-racial dynamic, as they sought to channel One, despite its creeping appeal as a political argument. Racial objections play no role whatsoever in masculine sexual desire, thereby ensuring the racial this.
The Colonial Office suggested that a racially denthal, , p. In all, dictates of the colonial class situation would necessitate however, the Colonial Society's early efforts to impose racial discrimination against them.
Instead, it was a racial identity onto German colonial family life suggested that they move to Germany, where their status remained marginal, ineffective and largely concerned as a dangerous, liminal minority would be dissipated with the social and national dimension of intermarriage, within the cosmopolitan environs of the racially hetero- rather than its biology Wildenthal, , pp.
In the colonies, it was argued, no Although continuously overturned by competing social equality for Mischlinge would be possible, understandings of imperialism and race, overtly eugeni- cist arguments regarding national identity had arrived in These public interests are stronger than the after , particularly courtesy of Solf's push for a wishes of the small numbers of coloured Germans in ban on mixed marriages.
Thereafter they did not leave.
If the children do not want to be seen as Rather, the tropes of biological racial discourse, that second-class citizens or shunned by educated Ger- betrayed a shifting epistemology of race, would reoccur mans, then they should refrain from emigrating [sic] in with growing frequency.
This shift can be seen in a new land in which race oppositions must be upheld, particular during the Weimar Republic, in the radicalised and should submerge themselves amongst the blood environment created by the loss of World War One. The crossings of all possible kinds in Germany. Wild- debate, for example, surrounding the so-called Rhineland enthal, , p. Yet , when Hans Tecklenburg, one of the few proponents of the questions of causality and overlap with the Nazi state biological racist theory in Leutwein's colonial admin- are problematic even here, with the sterilisation of the istration, argued against racial contamination and for Rhineland Mischlinge in accordance with the eugenicist clear government policies that restricted citizenship to policies of the Nazi state a radically different fate to that of those who met a three-quarters white German blood European Jewry, the Sinti and Roma, Poles and Russians quota, he was easily rebuffed in favour of an inclusive and the victims of the T4 and 14f13 programmes.
By , with new and ethnography within Germany, they were not material conditions deeply affecting perceptions of race employed as part of a state programme of population and new staff in German Southwest Africa now dealing regulation outside of the radicalised colonial site until the with the aftermath of the uprising including the colonial metropole itself was radicalised through the new governor, Lindequist , Tecklenburg's biological catalytic effects of defeat and national humiliation in racism was quickly transformed to become the official and thereafter Grosse, , pp.
Even then, it position of the colonial government with deep popular took until the Nazi period for racial criteria to be added to support that stemmed from the radicalising effects of the legislation regulating German marriage, sexuality and war Wildenthal, , pp. Conclusion marker of social status that required no scientific or biological elaboration in order for it to function as the Hans Grimm created his tale of racial homicide in a basis for an ideology of colonial rule.
The exaggeration of domestic colonial setting after having lived and worked in the importance of physical difference served as a useful Southern Africa between and — precisely at shorthand for a highly elaborated system of domination the time in which the colonial state's transition from social that positioned Europeans as an aristocracy of race ruling racism to biological racism was most evident in German over a helotised colonial alterity.
This straightforward and Southwest Africa. Grete, his murderous heroine, was the politically useful dichotomy between ruler and ruled was product of an imagination firmly aware of the racial and problematised by a population that did not easily or class dilemmas that beset Germany's colonists in the automatically assume a place in either social segment. Gosewinkel and Grosse's position cultural world Deutschtum. With Mischlinge perceived should be kept in mind when dealing with the possibility in terms of the threat posed to German rule by indigenous of subtle historical ripple effects emanating from the legal revolt, the beginnings of an epistemological shift are repositioning of Mischlinge in German Southwest Africa discernible, one that informed colonial politics and law after Recent research into the biopolitical interven- and which came to reflect the new understanding that tions in German colonial domestic life does indeed German identity and the German family had intrinsic demonstrate conclusively that a racial hurdle was never a biological prerequisites.
Nonetheless, in the social racism that entertained the notion of racially colonies, overt state efforts at biopolitical interference to mixed families as a potentially useful addition to the stop the emergence of coloured families and a coloured demography of the colony , towards an antihumanist citizenry had been underway since Palmowski Eds.
Prior to Grimm, H. Volk Ohne Raum. Munich: Albert Langen. World War One, the push for biopolitical intervention in Grosse, P. Wildenthal Ed. In the wake of Hitler, A.
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