1964 a conquista do estado pdf


 

I found one site (database) with millions of pdf ebooks, programs, music, films, etc , but I don't know if there is a conquista do estado ebook. Golpe ou Contragolpe? afirma que sócios do IPÊS mantinham amizades nos a conquista do Estado: ação política, poder e golpe de classe. A conquista do Estado: ação política, poder e golpe de classe. September 28– aracer.mobi Garcia.

Author:BERNICE SCHLAG
Language:English, Spanish, Arabic
Country:Jamaica
Genre:Personal Growth
Pages:219
Published (Last):23.10.2015
ISBN:849-6-80851-240-5
Distribution:Free* [*Registration needed]
Uploaded by: INDIRA

62892 downloads 167832 Views 36.79MB PDF Size Report


1964 A Conquista Do Estado Pdf

Rene Dreifuss, a conquista do Estado (Petrópolis: Vozes, ); and Carlos Fico, O golpe de Momentos decisivos (Rio de Janeiro, Editora FGV, . See the Editorial Note (summarizing actions), FRUS, –, Vol. ); René A. Dreifuss, A Conquista do Estado: Ação Política, Poder e Golpe de Classe mssmisc/mfdip//cri01/cripdf Lingering irritation undid . Dreifuss R () A Conquista do Estado – Ação Política, Poder e Golpe de Classe. São Paulo: Editora Vozes. Drulak P, Karlas J and Konigova L ().

The colonisation of Eastern Peru was stimulated during the Aristocratic Republic by the rubber industry boom, boundary disputes with neighbouring countries, and issues connected with the internal organisation of the State. Politicians, intellectuals and scientists took into account the process followed in the West of the United States. This article examines several aspects of American presence in the Peruvian site basin, particularly in the department of Loreto, stressing possible influences of the Western "frontier model" in such matters as property and exploitation of land, immigration, relations with native peoples, and communication systems. In addition, the economic interests and the experience of American scientists in the region are considered. Citation Information: Export Citation. User Account Log in Register Help. Search Close. Advanced Search Help. Show Summary Details. More options …. Open Access.

In this case, no surveys were conducted in the entire country because these were rare at that time. Despite the necessary observations and care, some considerations weakened the skepticism and led us to believe that these records can be used as sources of information. Finally, the fact that the polls were restricted to some cities does not reduce their representativeness, since they included the most important cities 3 The donation of IBOPE to AEL took place in In recent publications dedicated to the coup and to dictatorship, historians Marcos Napolitano It was not possible to find information about who ordered the polls, or that they were published at the time.

Other comments and information about the techniques and methodologies of the polls will be presented in the following footnotes. Another favorable argument to skepticism was presented by colleagues during events when these surveys were presented.

Polls conducted a few days before the coup show signiicant support to Goulart. However, other polls conducted by IBOPE about two months later reveal remarkable support to the coup. How is it possible to understand this paradox? According to these data, Jango was seen positively by expressive social segments and was very popular.

1964 a conquista do estado ebook

Fundamental reforms, especially the Agrarian Reform, attracted more support from the society with one exception we will discuss later , and these reforms were more popular than Goulart. Let us start with the evaluation of the Goulart administration Table 1.

Similar surveys were conducted in other Brazilian cities, with results that were either more positive or more negative for Goulart. However, this survey is interesting because it allows us to compare the opinions manifested in a big 5 Even though there is no space for further analyses, some impressions were taken by reading the material: More about that is given afterwards.

Still on the used methodology, IBOPE registered that the representativeness of the sample was based on gender-based stratification, as well as socioeconomic profiles and geographic distribution.

The samples included around interviewees in each city.

The size of the sample and distribution criteria are close to the ones used nowadays. Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth.

Jahrbuch für Geschichte Lateinamerikas – Anuario de Historia de America Latina

An important aspect is that the survey tried to verify the repercussion of the rally held on March 13, , in Guanabara Rio de Janeiro , which marked the more intense commitment toward the realization of reforms. Maybe the poll was already ready and it was not possible to incorporate questions related with the new event; anyway, the respondents were already under the impact of the March. Data show that the support to Goulart remained high, and that most people preferred the reforms.

We will get back to that, but irst, let us analyze the opinion about the reforms. Many opinion polls conducted at that time showed a strong support to the fundamental reforms, and these data have been known for a long time. Without considering the small diferences found in the answers of respondents from the three cities, a high level of support to the demand for reforms can be seen.

Similar polls in other regions of the country showed the same or higher level of rejection regarding the right to vote to illiterate people: Many citizens supported the reforms and had a good impression of the Goulart government; however, they repudiated more radical left-wing alternatives By analyzing these data, one of the possible conclusions drawn is that the opinion was mostly reformist when changes would afect the interest of a few people, like in the case of land distribution, since this would only afect important landowners.

An interesting fact is that another point of the political reform, which is the right of subalterns from the 8 Cf. Jorge Ferreira; Angela de Castro Gomes, Even though it was a politically explosive matter, since it unpleased the right wing and divided the opinions of the military men, the election of subalterns did not afect most of the public opinion.

When Goulart was deposed in , the anticommunist representations played a key role and the polls allow us to understand it better. Let us see some examples in Tables 3 and 4. Other polls show the increase of the anticommunist sensitivity. Table 4. Most right-wing forces were opposed to the proposal, even though some leaders preferred to legalize the party so they could have more control over the activities. Even though the data were inconclusive about whether or not all of those who were opposed to PCB had solid anticommunist values, they certainly point to that direction.

Data show the signiicant impact of anticommunist campaigns, as well as the increasing concerns about the presence of communism in the public scenario if we compare it with the results of the poll conducted in February Also, the surveys suggest potential support of the expressive social sectors to the anti-left policies.

We will demonstrate in the next section that, after the coup, the number of citizens supporting the purge to the left- wing parties was high. It is important to mention that one must not confuse anticommunist sensitivity and the fear of threats against the social order with the evaluations about the Goulart administration.

In other words, many citizens supported the reforms and had a good impression about the Goulart administration; however, they repudiated more radical left-wing alternatives. Poll from the Brazilian Institute of Public Opinion and Statistics IBOPE conducted between March 20 and March 30, , based on interviews These are These These measures Which of these ways demagogic are real try to create of thinking is more measures, interesting conditions in accordance with Do not which aim at measures for for the your opinion about know increasing the the people establishment the last measures of prestige of Mr.

In that survey, respondents seemed to be relatively conident about the Goulart administration, at least in terms of proposals of fundamental reforms. How is it possible to explain this apparent change in opinion in such a short period? Diferent opinions among voters are common and, as we will see, the evaluation of the irst military government changed a lot between and What calls the attention is how fast this process occurred in this case.

Another hypothesis to consider is that the polls Revista Tempo, vol.

Table 8. Besides, it is important to consider the inluence of a successful coup on the opinion of the citizens. In this sense, the media that was mostly committed to the coup — like the inluent O Globo and O Estado de S. Still, speeches that were favorable to the coup were prevalent in the media in the irst weeks, and probably contributed to change the opinion on part of the citizens. It is not necessary to repeat the analysis conducted a little Revista Tempo, vol.

It is interesting to analyze the data in this research considering the social stratiication of the respondents, who were divided by IBOPE into classes A-B rich and middle , C under and D lower underclass. Data conirm something that contemporary observers indicated at the time: In the records, it is possible to observe with consternation that most respondents agreed with the political punishments, especially if the targets were the left groups.

IBOPE asked if cassation of the mandates of communist politicians had been a correct initiative. Winners launched a discursive campaign to convince that their action was necessary in the interest of the majority of people Results from other studies conirm the good response from voters regarding the government that took over after the coup, including surveys conducted in Guanabara.

In the last week of May , IBOPE approached people in Guanabara and asked questions to measure the opinion about the new regime. One of them was: It is possible to observe the adherence of most people to speeches that were favorable to the coup, by accepting the argument that cassations aimed at the enemies pointed out by coup defenders: It was a suggestion that the purge process was illegitimate, not in agreement with the arguments presented by the government, that is, it would be about political persecutions 11 IBOPE specifically asked about the cassation of the former president Juscelino Kubitcshek, and the result was very diferent: Despite the weak popular support to the measure, the military government deposed JK a few days after the poll.

Poll from the Brazilian Institute of Public Opinion and Statistics IBOPE conducted in the last week of May , in Guanabara, based on interviews Do you think the criteria determining the cassations were based on the fact that targets Political Do not Communists Subversives Corrupts were communists, persecutions know subversives, corrupts, or influenced by motives of political persecution?

Therefore, anticommunism also sensitized the privileged social classes: The mandate, which would end on January 31, , was extended until March 15, Once again, the researchers decided to test the voters, speciically with regard to communists, distinguishing them from other politicians with the revoked mandate.

So, the polls show the support of public opinion for policies of dictatorial purge, especially when they afected left-wing activists, and also revealed the good acceptance of the Castelo Branco administration in the irst months.

a conquista do estado ebook - Find PDF Files

However, it was not all rosy for the military and the civil allies who took over in Besides, even in surveys conducted right after the coup, the answers to some questions show that the support to authoritarian projects had limits. We can see that in Table It is interesting how the results converge in both big cities, and that was also true for polls that were previously analyzed.

Many people supported the coup and political purges, demonstrating to accept the attacks against the Constitution and the disrespect for fundamental rights. However, most of them preferred to maintain the right to choose the governors directly, which implied a limit to accepting a classic dictatorship. In that sense, the surveys conducted in Guanabara from June 24 to June 29, , presented a signiicant data.

The Brazilian Military Regime, 1964–1985

This move was partly a response by the a conquista do estado regime to the growth of leftist guerrillas who had been carrying out armed operations, mainly bank robberies and attacks on military units, since The leftist guerrilla movement was composed of dozens of revolutionary groups, the majority being small organizations with a few hundred militants with no real firepower.

The first two carried out urban guerrilla actions, robbing banks and kidnapping foreign diplomats to be exchanged for political prisoners. The PC do B, for its part, inspired by the Chinese Revolution, had been stealthily organizing a guerrilla base in the site sincewhich the military uncovered in After some successes between the end of and the beginning ofthe armed organizations of the left were progressively dismantled a conquista do estado disbanded untilwhen the cycle of guerrilla struggle against the regime ended.

Repressive measures carried out with no legal or humanitarian considerations literally decimated armed left-wing organizations.

The death of important guerrilla leaders like Carlos Marighela a historic PCB militant who had broken with the party in and Carlos Lamarca a former captain of the Brazilian army who joined the guerrillaswas a blow to the armed left. Their assassinations vividly demonstrated the deadly efficacy of the campaign of state terror, inspired by the Counter-Insurgency Doctrine, waged against armed clandestine organizations.

But other factors contributed to the rapid defeat of the armed resistance. For one thing, their social base of support was a conquista do estado small, concentrated in the more radical segments of the student movement, heavily repressed and surveilled by the police. There was little support from workers and peasants, despite the inflamed rhetoric of organizations who claimed to speak on their behalf. The Brazilian Communist Party itself, the a conquista do estado traditional and well-organized leftist organization in the country, did not support the armed struggle, preferring to concentrate on civil resistance to the regime.

The guerrillas ended up socially isolated and politically fragmented, without the a conquista do estado to face a trained army intent on defending the regime. The vast majority of people in the middle and working classes were focused on their jobs, earning money, and leading their lives in the best way possible, taking advantage of the impressive economic growth that began in earnest in His administration was marked by the growth and institutionalization of the repressive apparatus, which did not limit its actions to fighting guerillas.

Indeed, for the middle class, there was essentially full employment, good wages, and widespread consumption of durable goods. The economy averaged 10 percent growth a year during that period, while government investment stimulated large infrastructure works hydroelectric projects, roads, etc.

But the miracle also obscured many fragile points of the Brazilian economy. The country remained dependent on foreign technological expertise, imported oil, and multinational capital. In the absence of a consistent policy of income distribution, inequality increased. Gerard Reynolds Country: Antigua Language: English Genre:

Similar files:


Copyright © 2019 aracer.mobi. All rights reserved.
DMCA |Contact Us