Vasconcelos published La raza c6smica [The Cosmic Race] in future, The Cosmic Race submits mestizaje as "the moral and material basis for the. aracer.mobi This content downloaded from on Fri, 27 Mar PM While his most famous work is La raza cósmica of La raza cosmica: mision de la raza Iberoamericana, Argentina y Brasil. by: Vasconcelos, José External-identifier: urn:acs6:larazacosmicamis00vasc:pdf: a86eeef-8eebe2a0ac DOWNLOAD OPTIONS.
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"The days of the pure whites, the victors of today, are as numbered as were the days of their predecessors. Having fulfilled their destiny of. PDF Epub The Cosmic Race / La raza cosmica: A Bilingual Edition (Race in the Americas) PDF New E-Book - by José¡–asconcelos. Edition/Format: eBook: Document: English: Johns Hopkins paperbacks edView all editions Notes: Originally published: The cosmic race ; La raza cósmica.
He notes that the history of Latin America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries hardly reveals a United States that is teetering on the Inter-American Journal of Philosophy! Instead, the United States had become a mighty imperial power, overwhelming Mexico, Cuba, and then Puerto Rico and the Phillipines between and Its political orientation turned from a republic concerned with preserving political liberty toward becoming a global superpower and maintaining its overseas holdings through military might.
It is this transformation that Vasconcelos believes to be more harmful to the well-being of American society: Remember the enthusiasm…the liberatory and creative power that spread out over the continent, the America of George Washington and Daniel Webster, the America of Franklin and Lincoln, that established American constitutional law and reaffirmed the rights of man, the separation of the three powers of state, and the supreme aristocracy of human dignity; compare the valor of that America, which was a model and precedent for our societies, with the America of the shady imperialists of today, and you will see that it is not only us, but the North Americans themselves that are threatened by that dark power that undermines democracy and replaces the norm of love with the norm of conquest.
One of the few American Pragmatist voices at this time drawing the strands of race and imperialism together in a similar manner was W. Du Bois. In his collection of essays, Darkwater, Du Bois identified white supremacy not as an aberration of European culture but as a formative element in its civilization and power in the modern world. Du Bois mentions the race riot of East St. Louis, Illinois in this regard. The white workers in this industrial city along the Mississippi River were whipped into a frenzy by labor leaders, corporate bosses, and local government into believing that African Americans were depressing their wages and taking away jobs.
Finally, in , these white workers essentially drove out over 5, African American laborers and their families by burning their neighborhoods to the ground. Du Bois did not consider this an isolated incident; race hatred, he argued, conveniently brewed in every industrial center whenever an excuse was needed to thin the ranks of the labor pool and keep the powerful in place.
These American political and economic rulers have conspired with populist leaders and military strongmen in Latin America to keep ordinary people out of power in exchange for American access to natural resources in the developing world. Instead of a confrontation between a monolithic, morally suspect, white world and colored, victimized, humanity, Vasconcelos pleads for a nonviolent transnational political organizing among the citizens of North and Latin America.
His hope is that ordinary people can work across borders and see their common interest in confronting the corporate, military, and political elites that conspire to corrupt American politics and subjugate Latin America: The problem becomes one of education, that is to say, a problem of enlightenment and persuasion.
With education and persuasion we seek to convince our people, God knows when, that they should not tolerate dictators, or assassinations, or abuse by those who exercise power. Through education and persuasion we seek to convince the North American voter, God knows when, that he should not grant power to those politicians who do not know how to put a stop to invading corporations that, under the appearance of business and progress, sow the seeds of future acts of vengeance against the best interests of North America.
Du Bois, who dared to speak out against scientific racism in their work. We ought to be reminded, however, that Vasconcelos did not write as an outsider to American society, but as someone who was educated as a youth in the United States and lived and lectured within it for over twenty years. Inter-American Journal of Philosophy! More importantly, however, his legacy lives on in organizations that he and his associates founded, such as the Pioneer Fund, that continue to support research on genetic differences and racial disparities.
Clearly, then, the ideas and organizational infrastructure that Grant developed have not been entirely discredited. In calling for a grassroots effort to build a deep and creative democracy among the people of North and Latin America, Vasconcelos offers a vision of cooperation for human rights and economic justice that is sorely needed in a world still saturated with nativist suspicion and talk of the clash of civilizations.
Indeed, one scholar argues that legal repression spurred Mexican political mobilization in East Los Angeles in the s and s. In Part Three, I examine the development and contours of the new Chicano racial ideology of the late s. The black movement inspired many groups, including the Chicanos, and also provided important lessons about protest tactics and organizing strategies.
Since the mids, the spectacle of black protesters encountering violent repression had transfixed the nation. The scenes from Selma and Birmingham, and later Watts and Detroit, powerfully communicated that whites would respond with violent resistance to minorities who protested social inequality.
In turn, the very quality of being obvious made this component that much more a matter of common sense: when minorities protested, legal violence followed. This tripartite linkage among protest, repression, and race strongly contributed to the rise of a brown identity among Mexicans in East Los Angeles. When news of the arrests of the East L. Thirteen spread, the Mexican community almost immediately conceptualized the mass indictments and potentially lengthy sentences in rhetoric that tracked the common sense connections established during the black struggle.
Before the arrests, there had been relatively little talk of a brown racial identity; in their wake, a new language quickly emerged that painted the activists as racial militants persecuted by the police for demanding justice. No doubt the Black Power movement directly influenced this rhetoric. But the Chicano analysis drew more heavily on the new common sense that linked protest, repression, and race. As the organ for the Brown Berets, La Causa chronicled the evolving ideas of a radical Chicano group.
Instead, they drew upon the protest-repression-race connection, and, more importantly, they accepted popular conceptions of race almost wholesale.
Thus, the militants believed that they were brown as a matter of descent and biology, not by virtue of having made a political choice—they understood themselves to be recognizing facts of nature, not inventing them. The Chicano movement remade Mexican racial identity but did so while accepting and in turn proclaiming that race determined individual identity, gender relations, and group destiny.
Common sense impelled not only the shift to Chicano identity, but also the form it took.
I close with an epilogue that draws central lessons from the Chicano movement and traces into the present several strands of the East L. Chicano story. Meanwhile, the level of legal violence in our society grows, as does its role in constructing racial identities. The legal violence deployed in the name of these wars further entrenches racial ideas, both among the targets of state force and for society as a whole. More than ever, we know ourselves by how the police and the courts treat us.
If we receive respect, courtesy, fair treatment, and due process, we are white; if we are harassed, beaten, arrested, or detained by executive fiat, we are black, brown, yellow, or red. We as a country find ourselves today where the East Los Angeles protesters were on the eve of the high school walkouts.
We must remedy deep inequalities structured along racial lines, and we must devise conceptions of race and racism that allow us to do so. We should learn from the judges and the police in East Los Angeles, and also from the Chicano militants who fought them, what happens when ideas about race and status are allowed to remain in the background, unexamined and unquestioned by people divided by race.
Then, as today, leaving the corporate high-rises and squat government buildings of downtown Los Angeles to travel just a mile or two east, crossing over the wide concrete aqueduct that carries the Los Angeles River in a shallow trickle, is to journey into the Mexican world of East L.
It is a world of three-story commercial buildings strung out along four-lane thoroughfares, the bright signs worn with age, the roads gritty, spotted, choked with parked cars; of dun-colored tract homes and California bungalows on small lots, some pretty and well-tended, others in disrepair; of crowded apartment buildings scattered about, few with any charm. It is a community of small Mexican restaurants painted in reds and greens, of corner grocery stores where radios blare rancheras and Spanish-language commercials hawk cheap furniture and used cars, a place where people and their complicated lives spill into the streets.
In the population of East Los Angeles was relatively poor. Among its , residents, median family income was less than three-quarters that in Los Angeles City. Owner-occupied homes accounted for slightly more of the residences in East Los Angeles than in the city; and one-quarter more people than in Los Angeles as a whole were living in the same home in that they had occupied in Rather, as in the Southwest generally, in about 85 percent of the Mexican population held U.
Yet, it was also a minority community, and this fact played a powerful role in the unique problems confronting its Mexican residents. These schools, with a student body over three-quarters Mexican, provided the barest education.
The result could also be traced to scant resources and severe overcrowding. Thousands of students jammed hallways and classrooms designed for hundreds; they ate in shifts in the cafeteria and scrambled to find restrooms not closed for lack of maintenance; they shared tattered and outdated books and science equipment, when available at all.
But a large part of the problem in the East Los Angeles schools was race. Only 3 percent of the teachers and 1. Bigoted views of Mexican students distorted how teachers and administrators conceived of their roles as educators.
Despite their campaign, little changed in the East Los Angeles schools. Among the groups that formed in Los Angeles during this time, several stand out. In Mexican college students convened a regional conference to discuss their role in the struggle for social change.
Calling themselves United Mexican American Students UMAS , they voted to establish Mexican student organizations on college campuses throughout Los Angeles to address issues confronting themselves and their community.
At least initially, these new groups focused on education. The launching of activist-oriented community newspapers around this time strengthened the campaign for educational reform. Why is there a chance my child will be among the lowest in the nation in reading ability? Why is there a chance my child will never know the language, culture and history of his own people?
Merry Christmas brother. Next year the community is going to be heard one way or another. In the fall of high school students in East Los Angeles began developing plans to walk out of their schools. Sal Castro, a civics teacher at Lincoln High School and himself a product of the East Los Angeles barrio, joined in the nascent mobilization. There has to be a change, a complete change. With the assistance of Castro, the student activists enlisted the help of the UMAS chapters in Los Angeles, as well as the support of various college professors, professionals, and clergy already active in community politics.
The student militants formed strike committees at Garfield, Roosevelt, and Lincoln high schools. They also formed a central committee to draft demands and coordinate any actual strikes. The committee formulated thirty-six demands, including such things as reduced class size, more teachers and counselors, expanded library facilities, and an end to the requirement that students contribute janitorial services.
Influenced by the talk of strikes circulating generally, students at Wilson staged an unplanned walkout during the lunch period. Before they reached a decision, the students at Garfield took matters into their own hands. It is clear, though, that UMAS and the Brown Berets did more than simply protect the students; they also played an important role in encouraging them to walk out.
The Brown Berets, in particular, arrived at various schools with picket signs and probably called in the false fire alarms and bomb threats that forced school officials to move students out of the classrooms. On Wednesday, March 6, 2, students walked out of Garfield; at Roosevelt, despite locked gates and the arrival of the police, determined students also marched out. Students from the various schools walked out simultaneously and met at Hazard Park for a a.
According to Castro, the high school principal came to his classroom at a. If I am here in an empty classroom, I mean, who am I teaching, an empty wall? It was really coming down. In the driving rain, kids without raincoats, without umbrellas, some kids in T-shirts, were walking out.
Wave upon wave upon wave, they came. I was out there in the rain, my face wet. Congressman, Ed Roybal, the first Mexican elected to federal office from California. During one week in March , perhaps ten thousand students walked out of area high schools in a political storm that rolled through East Los Angeles, sweeping its Mexican residents into the politics of protest.
Police Chief Tom Reddin and Governor Ronald Reagan denounced the walkouts as the handiwork of outside agitators, blaming most prominently the Brown Berets, who catapulted into the spotlight as a militant nationalist front. For many people in East Los Angeles, the student strikes symbolized the awakening of Mexican youth to a political consciousness of themselves and of their ability to fight for equal treatment. Many adults, rather than viewing the students in negative terms, felt proud of their efforts at self-determination.
For others, though, the walkouts seemed a grossly inappropriate response to school conditions, a contribution to the problem rather than to the solution. Lincoln High School teacher Richard Davis opined in an open letter to the community that the real issue was the Mexicans themselves: Most of the Mexican-Americans have never had it so good. Before the Spanish came, he was an Indian grubbing in the soil, and after the Spaniards came, he was a slave.
When it comes to going to school—free and the best in the world—he is passive. We are not educating your children as we should and as we can. They want to do a good job. The East Los Angeles schools reflected, and in turn perpetuated, the degraded status of Mexicans in California. Long a source of community concern, horrendous school conditions served as a flash point. They signaled as well the dramatic rise of a new racial and political identity among the residents of East Los Angeles.
There was a price for this new militancy, however. Within a few months of the walkouts, indictments and arrests cast the Chicano movement into a new trajectory of violence and confrontation with the courts and police.
Plainclothes and uniformed officers burst into the offices of La Raza, where they handcuffed and arrested Eliezer Risco and Joe Razo. They also removed thousands of pamphlets and leaflets intended for use in a campaign to oppose a police bond measure up for a vote the following Tuesday. He held a scholarship to the University of California at Irvine for the fall. Yet, its Anglophobia is what drives Mexican contempt for American borders. It blunts the natural shame of emigrating north for survival off of a hated adversary, as though they are leaving a sinking Pacific atoll rather than a spacious, naturally rich nation run into the ground.
La Raza Cosmica provides the "Big Lie" for shameless coveting, just as jealous Cain needed a lie to murder his brother Abel. Vasconcelos Gets a Makeover To level economic disparities between nations after World War II, international political bodies saw utility in tacitly defining "primary evil" as originating from successful nations; other evils are then derivative. The only authorized explanation for disparities in national outcomes was not national choices, but oppression by nations which started industrializing earlier by some accident of history.
This thinking was intended to argue for rich nations to pay to fix poor nations, like no-fault insurance. It has ended up rationalizing a steady stream of crimes against humanity and treating radical ideologies and religions in the Third World as effects of, rather than causes of, suffering. It patronizes tyrants and religious zealots, permitting them to carry on like brutal medieval monarchs with complete control of vast territory and the lives of millions of people.
Since this reigning orthodoxy doesnt permit official academia to be critical of social movements in places like Mexicosupposedly a poor country despite its great wealthit has meant even a racial nationalist anticommunist like Vasconcelos was misbranded internationally as a leftwing intellectual, thus avoiding criticism abroad.
Yet he was not poor. He was part of the elite of Mexico. His hostility toward the English was not from experience, but fed by books he read, ironically, in American libraries while he attended school in Texas as an adolescent.
While Vasconcelos sympathized with Germany after World War I, his reasons for siding against the American English hardly seem comparable to that of the Germans under the Versailles Treaty. Unlike Germany, Mexico did not fight in the war, much less lose 2. Nevertheless, Vasconcelos, hated the United States with a passion, based on a host of comparably minor and ancient injustices, including British pirate raids occurring centuries ago in Latin America, all of which are transparent cover for the real root of his antipathy toward Americansfor offending the bloated pride and protocols of the Mexican elite.
While similar anti-American gripping led Che Guevara to take the low road of communism, Vasconcelos took the even lower road of Nazism. Vasconcelos concocted his Mexican cosmic race in To avoid being labeled a Nazi, in his revision he contrasted his imaginary race with an imaginary English American racethats any American who seems a bit of a WASPhe alleges is a monolithic cult of ethnic purity. Of course, this was a crude act of propaganda running contrary to the facts of the overwhelming direction of American history.
In fact, despite inheriting slaverywhich Latin America practiced to a greater degreethe United States was never a nation founded on ethnic lines. The English language and mild social characteristics it inherited from its founders is a matter of history and the willing adoption by millions of past immigrants through assimilation.
Far from being entrenched in ethnic imperialism, Americans in were at the worlds forefront of establishing universal civil rights, prosecuting Nazis, founding the United Nations, integrating the military and sports, and compensating interned Japanese Americansall before its formal civil rights movement had even began shortly thereafter. Absent rhetoric, the plans of Vasconcelos and Hitler are virtually the same fascist racial nationalism. If Vasconcelos had been successful in his bid for the Mexican presidency in , Mexico would have likely joined Germany when Hitler took power in So-called aesthetic eugenics of La Raza Cosmica would have vastly expanded eugenics programs already established in Mexico.
Instead, Vasconcelos lost the election, so rather than becoming a Mexican Hitler, or Hitler becoming a German Vasconcelos, he became a Mexican Goebbels, a little Nazi propaganda minister in Mexico. Karl Marx spoke of the lumpenproletariatthe rogue workers at each social class. There are also rogue fascists at each social classthe lumpenfascist. Vasconcelos was an upper-class lumpenfascist, while his legions now storming the U. They have been easily indoctrinated, fed a diet of anti-Americanism by the elite operators of news propaganda machines like Univision et al.
The destructive results play out on stages like that of a soccer game between the United States and Mexico. After World War II, various political elites decided, in order to hide their associations with fascism, to conflate fascism with traditional Western culture and expunge them both from society. This has been fairly easy to achieve because, ironically, the traditions of the West are more rational and thus easier to experiment upon than in most other traditional cultures, which tend to react violently to change.
The West is to be culturally dissolved and economic power shifted to the numerically greater "developing" world. The error in this decision was that fascist tendencies are not limited to Western culture, but rather are a social construct that arises when certain conditions are created. Fascist politics can arise anywhere. Indeed, prior to Hitler, fascism and progressivism were virtually identical. But after Hitler, the fascism brand name was irrevocably lost.
Progressives attempted to get back on the right side of history, after the war, by disassociating themselves with fascism, and scapegoating Western culture itself. The result has degenerated into an attempt to get on the right side of spin. It could likely end in absolute Orwellianismthe official inversion and violent denial of reality, as under Stalinism, Maoism and Islam.
In the West inversion manifests in memes like people of color cant be racist, which lay the groundwork for unlimited scapegoating and criminality. Its prestigious schools like USC must now lie about their crime-ridden locations.
Two Chinese foreign students were recently murdered near the USC campus. USC is now being sued for misleading them.
Ironically, while Vasconcelos plan for defeating the United States is moving along, his replacement theory is not doing so well. Spaniards are decreasing in Latin America and in Spain itself. Those Hispanics Vasconcelos did not favor are growing but have yet to improve economically, too often mentally possessed of the legendary cruelty of medieval Spain transmitted over space and time to Mexico. It was after the original Reconquista that the social and physical tools of oppression which Muslim colonizers used on Spain were adopted to advance the Inquisition, then carried by conquistadors to the New World, where they are still wielded by Mexican drug cartels to terrorize, torture and behead, often spilling blood across the southern U.
Denial doesnt change underlying reality. Nature has its ways of correcting imbalance.
Destructive forces dont endure. If the cultural West is subsumed by regressive forces like La Raza and Islamic supremacism, those too will be liquidated by militant technocracies like those rising in the Far East. The irony is that anti-Western multicultural values has resulted in less diversity, not more. Pandering to Islamists is eradicating Christianity in the Middle East. Pandering to the La Raza lobby means Mexican culture simply replaces traditional American culture in the United States.
Likewise, through massive immigration, Western nations are being culturally hijacked by corrupt and failed states, which themselves remain as culturally pure as a century ago. This essay has made several analogies between the La Raza fascism and Islamic jihad or Islamofascism. Recently, the two movements have seen substantial convergence, as a rapidly growing jihadist presence emerges in Mexico, composed of both immigrants from the Middle East and native Mexican converts, as documented by U.
Even the Catholic Vasconcelos would be alarmed by this development. He foresaw this period of chaos as necessary, and humanity had to wait: So that we shall not be forced to deny our own fatherland Spain , it is necessary that we live according to the highest interests of the race, even though this may not be yet in the highest interest of humanity.
But a unified, indoctrinated, 1. It is readying itself to correct the imbalance due to the vacuum left by the West. It knows corrupt and failed states are not innocent, but are decadent with self-inflicted damage. While in previous centuries such internal depravity would be quickly pillaged by outsiders, today the United Nations lets these countries work things out.
Competition for scarce resources will soon spell the end of such patronizing. The United States, inundated with failed dogma from corrupt states, is not immune.
Technology has obsoleted Vasconcelos theory. The future cosmic race will not be a coordinated fusion of peoples consulting their aesthetic conscious before procreating. Robotic and genetic enhancement has arrived and its demand will work far faster than any traditional fusion can. One can only speculate where this might lead humanity in the next century. Though Vasconcelos was a fascist, his reputation has been protected because of his Mexican birthplace and his Hispanic name, conflated in the public mind with mestizo field workers and Amerindians in Chiapas fighting for human rights against, ironically, Mexican elites like Vasconcelos.
Today, many so-called Hispanic politicians and celebrities openly support the fascist La Raza campaign. Murguia was born and raised in that most American place, Kansas, in a middle-class, predominately English-speaking home.
She took full advantage of American educational and career opportunities. Yet Murguia still rejected this genuine American integration path, and chose instead to promote Mexican ethnic nationalism. She now leads the largest racial lobby in the United States, La Raza.
One wonders if Murguia has considered if Vasconcelos would deem her worthy of his cosmic race, or instead should forego procreation in the age of aesthetics. The Ford Foundation has a reputation for funding anti-American groups to undermine the United States for the benefit of the United Nations agenda, now driven primarily by corrupt socialist and Islamist states.
NCLR still primarily benefits Mexico not only culturally, but by promoting Mexican commercial interests. Mexican-based media works with NCLR to generate grievance mongering about immigration, language and free services while it actively buries stories on violent crime, political corruption, cultural instability, and economic havoc directly caused by primarily Mexicanillegal immigration.
The NCLR claims to represent a disenfranchised minority. This myth depends on a steady supply of illegal immigrantsvictims of Mexicos corruptionentering the United States to demand social justice i. The trouble is, the cash cow is running low on funds there are fewer and fewer Anglos to tap, meaning the entitlement pie will soon be gone.
NCLRs benefactor the Ford Foundation, while claiming to be progressive, is really funding a radical, anti-democratic cauldron of violence composed of foot soldiers of totalitarian ideologies. The fate of Arab Christians should be a warning against negotiating with an avarice and violent competitor.
In a few short years, Arab Muslim invaders turned Christians in the Middle East and North Africa from an overwhelming majority into a minority used for degrading work and to fill the coffers with the jizya tax for being nonMuslim.